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Dinakaran ‘Pockets’ R K Nagar: What Next For Tamil Nadu?

587671-dinakaran700.jpg



T T V Dinakaran’s victory in the by-elections to the R K Nagar constituency in Tamil Nadu will now shift the focus to New Delhi, in particular, Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The results will also bring under scrutiny the alleged failure of the Election Commission to check the irregularities being indulged in by the Dravidian parties in the elections. Even before R K Nagar constituency went to the hustings, Dinakaran had, as he had been warning, triggered into action his “sleeper cells” or the Trojan horses he had planted in the ruling Edappadi K Palaniswamy’s (EPS) government.

If what you heard with your ears close to the ground was true, then developments in Tamil Nadu politics will be tumultuous. At least five ministers in the EPS government and 30 members of the state Legislature Assembly (MLAs), currently with the ruling party, could switch their loyalty to Dinakaran’s side.

Will EPS Government Last Until Pongal?

The EPS-led All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) government’s tenure may not last beyond Pongal or 14 January in view of various developments expected over the next few days. These developments will see the Modi government being dragged into action and, probably, set its somewhat stained record in Tamil Nadu. Besides the switching of loyalties by these ministers and MLAs, a couple of other developments are expected as well. One, the gap between two Assembly sessions cannot be more than six months. In that case, the Tamil Nadu Assembly will have to be convened before 20 January since it last met on 20 July. Can the assembly meet before the constitutionally-stipulated date of 20 January since the Madras High Court has restrained the EPS government from testing its floor strength before it decides on three petitions before it? Hearings are yet to conclude in all three cases.

One of the petitions before the court is the disqualification of 18 MLAs who owed allegiance to Dinakaran. The second petition is one filed by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), asking the court why the State Finance Minister O Panneerselvam (OPS) and 10 other MLAs, who initially voted against EPS on February 18, shouldn’t be disqualified. The third petition is also by the DMK urging the court to order the Speaker not to suspend 21 of its MLAs, including its working president M K Stalin, for breach of privilege of the house. (On 19 July, DMK members displayed packets of Gutkha to show that the ban on the tobacco product had no effect in the state. This led to privilege notice being issued against 21 DMK MLAs and the subsequent petition in the Madras High Court). The view is that since the Assembly cannot be convened before January 20, the Modi government will likely step in to impose President’s rule.

Even otherwise, the Modi government wouldn’t want to be associated with the EPS government that is virtually being seen as one propped by the Centre. The BJP would want to be seen distancing and disassociating itself from the mess that the EPS government has created for itself. It wouldn’t want to take the share of the blame since every opposition leader makes it a point to blame the BJP for the current state of affairs in Tamil Nadu. To add to the BJP’s woes, the EPS government is not seen as one that has a clean image. The Modi government, as a way to wriggle free of its bad image in Tamil Nadu, could cite the corruption charges against some of EPS ministers to dismiss the government. “I don’t see the EPS Government lasting beyond January on any account,” said an AIADMK veteran. The EPS government will only help BJP’s cause by falling on its own.

Ever since Modi visited ailing DMK president M Karunanidhi on 7 November, the message that has gone out to the BJP cadre is to delink itself from the AIADMK and DMK. It is one of the reasons why BJP put up a candidate in the by-elections and, not surprisingly, lost deposit. On the other hand, the BJP has drawn a blank from the Nadar community it banked on to fare well in these by-elections.

Can Dinakaran’s Win Unify AIADMK?

While one section of the AIADMK feels that the party is headed for a bleak future, another section feels that the unfolding scenario has to be watched. The by-election results only provide a short-term relief for Dinakaran, whose objective of contesting the R K Nagar elections was to bring down the EPS government. There are other factors that had come into play during the by-elections. We will come to that later. Can Dinakaran victory unify the AIADMK with EPS and OPS being expelled from the party or sidelined? Can he rejuvenate the party and enjoy popularity cutting across the state? Can he wriggle free of the cases filed for violations of the Foreign Exchange (Regulation) Act? What happens if he also lands in prison for these violations? These questions are reasons why one will have to watch out how the AIADMK shapes up in case of EPS government falling.

There are speculations that EPS and OPS may find their way into the BJP but will the national party accept the two, whose image aren’t clean? On the other hand, the BJP and Modi government cannot be seen vindictive against Dinakaran. Any such misadventure will only put him at an advantage since Dinakaran will gain public sympathy. His win also raises another question: Where is DMK heading after coming a poor third?

A veteran Dravidian leader said he was reminded of Congress under Kamaraj after the late M G Ramachandran launched the AIADMK when he was expelled from the DMK. DMK contacts say that they had decided not to open their purse strings in R K Nagar constituency after the party knew what Dinakaran was planning to win the by-elections by hook or “crook”. But the results also put a question mark on Stalin’s leadership. That the DMK is finishing a poor third is a matter of concern that the party will have to deal with immediately. The results also pose another question: Did the DMK suffer on account of public anger against the CBI court acquitting its leaders from the 2G case? Maybe, since women are not willing to give the DMK any benefit of doubt. (We also heard that many women pledged to vote for Dinakaran since they had accepted Rs 4,000 per vote in April before the by-elections were cancelled.)

20-Rupee Token Strategy

Now, the main factors that had come into play in the R K Nagar by-elections. Frankly, the by-elections are a poor example of how not to hold elections anywhere in the country. Money flowed and flowed until the last vote was sealed in the ballots. “Twenty-rupee tokens strategy worked!” was the general comment when the trends showed that Dinakaran would win the hustings.

The strategy was simple:




Dinakaran’s men allegedly handed over 20-rupee notes to voters in the R K Nagar constituency on the day of polling in many parts of the constituency and asked them to collect Rs 10,000 on 25 December by exchanging the 20-rupee notes.





Media had earlier reported that Dinakaran was willing to pay Rs 1,000 more than what the official AIADMK offered to pay. The strategy begs a question: What is the Election Commission doing? Allegations are that the commission officials in the constituency had compromised. On the other hand, fingers are also being pointed at the local police, which had allegedly shut its eye to what Dinakaran was doing. The general view on the Election Commission is that it had gone through its paces as a matter of routine to conduct the elections as any failure on its part would have reflected badly on its efficiency.

Dinakaran’s win made a veteran DMK leader regret that politics dictated by money-power was stinking. An AIADMK veteran, however, said he was happy since the “arrogant” EPS-OPS duo was being taught a lesson. Whatever the outcome, the ball is now firmly in the central government’s court. Will it impose President’s rule in Tamil Nadu? Or will the assembly be kept in suspended animation, until the Madras High Court rules on the three petitions? If the Centre imposes President’s rule then the Modi government will have to get cracking on corruption in the state. That will be the best way for Modi and the BJP to tell the people of Tamil Nadu that they are serious on corruption and would like to end it.

Jaitley Has To Share Part Of The Blame

Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley was reported to have remarked that Tamil Nadu politicians were behaving as if the state was a banana republic. But his ministry should also take part of the blame for the play of money-power in the R K Nagar by-elections. How did such huge sums get distributed to the public despite the Income Tax department unearthing crores of rupees in April this year? Where did Dinakaran or EPS-headed AIADMK get funds from to distribute to voters? What are the sleuths of Enforcement Directorate doing?

The Modi government, especially the Finance Ministry, must follow up action on the different search operations conducted in the state since December 2016. Action should also be taken against those who were found to have distributed money in April this year in the R K Nagar constituency before the by-polls were cancelled.

The by-elections results also reflect poorly on the people in Tamil Nadu. An opinion survey by Thanthi TV revealed that 70 per cent of those surveyed weren’t averse to accepting cash for votes. The arguments of most was that it is their money (earned by politician through corruption) and what’s wrong in accepting it. That leaves us with the chicken and egg situation: Is corruption prevailing in Tamil Nadu because of voters accepting money from politicians or are politicians demanding money for their service because people take money to vote.

No one has any doubt on what swung the results in Dinakaran’s favour. The sad part is that democracy has been sold for cash. As long as the Dravidian parties tend to believe that cash can win them votes, the prospects for national political parties like BJP and Congress in Tamil Nadu are poor.


Original Link: Dinakaran ‘Pockets’ R K Nagar: What Next For Tamil Nadu?


Opinion: I wonder what happens now in Tamil Nadu. AIADMK's fate is totally up in the air, DMK is in an interesting position, and I'm very curious to see how Modi and Shah play this situation; which has gone from looking very favorable a few months back to somewhat disastrous right now.
 
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CHENNAI: Tamil superstar Rajinikanth on Sunday announced his plan to enter politics and said he would float his own party.
Rajinikanth announces political entry: Key quotes

Speaking on the last day of his fan interaction at Raghavendra Marriage Hall in Kodambakkam here, Rajinikanth said he would contest the next (2021) assembly election and would field candidates in all the 234 assembly constituencies in Tamil Nadu.

He said, "I am not entering politics for post or position. if I had wanted it, I would have got it in 1996 itself. If at the age of 45 I had not aspired for that, why would I do it at the age of 68?"


The superstar said, "My politics will be based on spirituality, not on religion or caste."

"The whole thing has to change. The system has to change. Democracy has been corrupted. It needs to be cleansed ," he added.

"From the days of kings and rulers looting other countries and kingdoms, we have come to a level where rulers are looting their own country," said Rajinikanth.

He said there was no time to look at the local body polls. However, he would take a call closer to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls on whether to contest in that or not.

"This is not a film. This is politics. We have to spread ourselves to every street in the street," the actor said.

He said initially the focus should be on strengthening fan clubs, reviving those that are defunct and getting everyone, especially women folk, into them.

Fans celebrated Rajinikanth's announcement of his decision to enter politics. They danced and shouted slogans.

"I will join Rajinikanth's party," BJP Tiruvallur executive committee member SV Selvaraj, who was among the fans, told TOI.

Fan club Salem district functionary K M Parthasarathi said, "The superstar will henceforth be known as Makkal Kavalan (protector of people), not Mannan and Thalapathi."

Rajinikanth to float party and contest next assembly polls - Times of India
 
On the edge of destiny: what does Rajinikanth's politics entail?

Rajinikanth stands at a crossroads for Tamil Nadu, but can he define what his political rescue act entails?
It had been more than 20 years in the making, and finally Tamil cinema superstar Rajinikanth delivered on innumerable past overtures when he plunged into the troubled waters of Tamil Nadu politics.

The big question on everyone’s mind is this: will he be a force to reckon with after he cobbles together a party apparatus with aspirations of political mobilisation, or will his democratic dream simply fade away after this foray comes a cropper against the jagged edges of the Dravidian parties’ electoral juggernauts? Hard to tell with any certainty, but an analysis of his entry in the context of Tamil Nadu’s colourful political past, its frustrating, dysfunctional present, or its ominously cloudy future yields some clues.

Past: fish out of water
Tamil Nadu has always been a standout State. It was home to a unique social movement that was also one of India’s most successful experiments in populist mobilisation and pioneering social welfare policies. Dravidian politics surged to the fore in 1967, when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) unseated the incumbent Indian National Congress and in doing so, forever altered the State’s political terrain.

Few Indian States have so purposefully used the motifs of ethnic identity, so adroitly deployed them through the silver screen, and so rigorously converted caste politics into a practical class mobilisation.

Over time the social radicalism of Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi, under the aegis of the anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindi campaigns of the DMK, gave way to a more inclusive style of governance under the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) founder M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), and later his protégé Jayalalithaa.

Against this arc of Dravidianist-mobilisation history, Mr. Rajinikanth’s entry in some sense reduces him to a fish out of water, an aspiring wild card entrant seeking to make a lateral move despite lacking direct participation in the defining political movement of the State.

This matters considerably, not only because he now faces enormous pressure to define his politics, but also because, sans party association, he must embark on the unenviable task of building an organisation structure that is robust enough to take on the muscle of the AIADMK and the DMK.

It is true that he will not be building it from scratch, the way Periyar and Annadurai did, in the mid-20th century. According to some estimates, Mr. Rajinikanth enjoys the unflinching support of at least 50,000 fan clubs scattered across the cities and towns of Tamil Nadu, with each having at least 25 die-hard admirers of their “Thalaivar”. Yet it is an open question as to whether the millions of his fans are at all inclined towards hard-nosed political campaigning and mass mobilisation. All they may care about are his movies!

This brings us to another dimension of Tamil political history that poses uncomfortable questions for Mr. Rajinikanth: is he capable of being the sort of “benevolent” autocrat, the patronage-inclined “soft-authoritarian” like others before him, including Jayalalithaa, MGR and Mr. Karunanidhi?

Mr. Rajinikanth certainly commands attention based on his legendary charisma, yet on the flip side he has been painfully publicity-shy over the four decades that he has spent in the cinema world. Thus, it is by no means a foregone conclusion that he will smoothly transition into an aggressive leader capable of marshalling party members and resources towards orderly execution of campaigning, fundraising, lobbying efforts and much more.

Present: politics in ferment
Coming to the present scenario in Tamil Nadu, among the most widely touted reason for betting on Mr. Rajinikanth as the cure to what ails State politics is the fact that both Dravidian parties have faced an untimely loss of leadership capacity, the AIADMK owing to Jayalalithaa’s death in December 2016 and the DMK owing to Mr. Karunanidhi stepping back from an active role after his health declined in recent years.

In the context of this power vacuum, the State may be Mr. Rajinikanth’s to lose. The vacuum, however, holds lessons for any aspiring entrant. First, the AIADMK has imploded in spectacular fashion since Jayalalithaa’s death because it is being torn asunder by bitter factional squabbling. That was a natural consequence of the weak-kneed leadership that has been thrust into the hot seat overnight, after decades of rule by an iron-fisted politician who degraded four rungs of leadership within her party to nix all potential challengers.

The second lesson for Mr. Rajinikanth is the fumbling of the DMK. The AIADMK clearly stole a march on its older rival since 1977 (the AIADMK has ruled for 26 years and counting, the DMK only for 12 years, of the past 40) owing to a more durable party ideology and broader social base, both of which geared its agenda towards mass distribution of welfare goods. While these are derided by some as “freebies,” social scientists consider them factors contributing to Tamil Nadu’s relative outperformance on human development and poverty reduction indices. When will Mr. Rajinikanth delve into these complex socioeconomic and policy questions?

Future: New Delhi calling
Finally, on the murky future that awaits any party that the superstar may float, he will have to be nimble on the radioactive subject of Hindutva politics, and in that regard the tactical question whether to align with the BJP, for several reasons. First, Hindutva politics as such never made headway in India’s southernmost State given the Tamil people’s consistent record of rejecting the Hindu-North Indian-Brahmin matrix as a single, unwanted political package. They considered this matrix a product of north Indian hegemony, one that the Nehruvian state and then other dispensations in a distant New Delhi sought to thrust upon the “Tamizhan,” the quintessential Tamil man (or woman). That feeling of “Tamil-ness” is still very much alive.

Second, Mr. Rajinikanth may have struck a chord with some voters when he spoke of “spiritual” politics – yet he has more to clarify on whether he intended that phraseology to convey the anti-thesis of corruption, or whether it was an overture to Hindus and Hindutvavadis across the State and in New Delhi. If it is the former, it would be most welcome at this nadir of democratic politics in Tamil Nadu, a dark period of grand larceny and covert institutional looting of the public coffers.

If Mr. Rajinikanth went out on a limb to take on politically connected corruption, shadow corporations and the massive rent-seeking network that has permeated every corner of the government and has led to capital flight to neighbouring States, the people of Tamil Nadu would flock to him.

Third, he may do well to give thought to whether his political foray would simply end up playing spoiler for either Dravidian party and prevent both from forming a strong, stable government. In such a scenario, wouldn’t his efforts only delay the long-awaited return of good governance?

Real-life hero?
Like many heroes of the silver screen, Mr. Rajinikanth’s entry into politics is a test of fire. He lacks many vital political appurtenances and a living link to an important historical chapter of this State. His very announcement of entry has spurred vicious attacks on his purported intentions, his character and his personal life.

Yet he stands – humbly, one must grant – at what might turn out to be a momentous crossroads for Tamil Nadu: its past political glory depleted in the gradual decline of the AIADMK and DMK, its people now pray for a political renaissance. Thalaivar to the rescue, perhaps?
 
On the edge of destiny: what does Rajinikanth's politics entail?

Rajinikanth stands at a crossroads for Tamil Nadu, but can he define what his political rescue act entails?
It had been more than 20 years in the making, and finally Tamil cinema superstar Rajinikanth delivered on innumerable past overtures when he plunged into the troubled waters of Tamil Nadu politics.

The big question on everyone’s mind is this: will he be a force to reckon with after he cobbles together a party apparatus with aspirations of political mobilisation, or will his democratic dream simply fade away after this foray comes a cropper against the jagged edges of the Dravidian parties’ electoral juggernauts? Hard to tell with any certainty, but an analysis of his entry in the context of Tamil Nadu’s colourful political past, its frustrating, dysfunctional present, or its ominously cloudy future yields some clues.

Past: fish out of water
Tamil Nadu has always been a standout State. It was home to a unique social movement that was also one of India’s most successful experiments in populist mobilisation and pioneering social welfare policies. Dravidian politics surged to the fore in 1967, when the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) unseated the incumbent Indian National Congress and in doing so, forever altered the State’s political terrain.

Few Indian States have so purposefully used the motifs of ethnic identity, so adroitly deployed them through the silver screen, and so rigorously converted caste politics into a practical class mobilisation.

Over time the social radicalism of Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, C.N. Annadurai and M. Karunanidhi, under the aegis of the anti-Brahmin, anti-Hindi campaigns of the DMK, gave way to a more inclusive style of governance under the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) founder M.G. Ramachandran (MGR), and later his protégé Jayalalithaa.

Against this arc of Dravidianist-mobilisation history, Mr. Rajinikanth’s entry in some sense reduces him to a fish out of water, an aspiring wild card entrant seeking to make a lateral move despite lacking direct participation in the defining political movement of the State.

This matters considerably, not only because he now faces enormous pressure to define his politics, but also because, sans party association, he must embark on the unenviable task of building an organisation structure that is robust enough to take on the muscle of the AIADMK and the DMK.

It is true that he will not be building it from scratch, the way Periyar and Annadurai did, in the mid-20th century. According to some estimates, Mr. Rajinikanth enjoys the unflinching support of at least 50,000 fan clubs scattered across the cities and towns of Tamil Nadu, with each having at least 25 die-hard admirers of their “Thalaivar”. Yet it is an open question as to whether the millions of his fans are at all inclined towards hard-nosed political campaigning and mass mobilisation. All they may care about are his movies!

This brings us to another dimension of Tamil political history that poses uncomfortable questions for Mr. Rajinikanth: is he capable of being the sort of “benevolent” autocrat, the patronage-inclined “soft-authoritarian” like others before him, including Jayalalithaa, MGR and Mr. Karunanidhi?

Mr. Rajinikanth certainly commands attention based on his legendary charisma, yet on the flip side he has been painfully publicity-shy over the four decades that he has spent in the cinema world. Thus, it is by no means a foregone conclusion that he will smoothly transition into an aggressive leader capable of marshalling party members and resources towards orderly execution of campaigning, fundraising, lobbying efforts and much more.

Present: politics in ferment
Coming to the present scenario in Tamil Nadu, among the most widely touted reason for betting on Mr. Rajinikanth as the cure to what ails State politics is the fact that both Dravidian parties have faced an untimely loss of leadership capacity, the AIADMK owing to Jayalalithaa’s death in December 2016 and the DMK owing to Mr. Karunanidhi stepping back from an active role after his health declined in recent years.

In the context of this power vacuum, the State may be Mr. Rajinikanth’s to lose. The vacuum, however, holds lessons for any aspiring entrant. First, the AIADMK has imploded in spectacular fashion since Jayalalithaa’s death because it is being torn asunder by bitter factional squabbling. That was a natural consequence of the weak-kneed leadership that has been thrust into the hot seat overnight, after decades of rule by an iron-fisted politician who degraded four rungs of leadership within her party to nix all potential challengers.

The second lesson for Mr. Rajinikanth is the fumbling of the DMK. The AIADMK clearly stole a march on its older rival since 1977 (the AIADMK has ruled for 26 years and counting, the DMK only for 12 years, of the past 40) owing to a more durable party ideology and broader social base, both of which geared its agenda towards mass distribution of welfare goods. While these are derided by some as “freebies,” social scientists consider them factors contributing to Tamil Nadu’s relative outperformance on human development and poverty reduction indices. When will Mr. Rajinikanth delve into these complex socioeconomic and policy questions?

Future: New Delhi calling
Finally, on the murky future that awaits any party that the superstar may float, he will have to be nimble on the radioactive subject of Hindutva politics, and in that regard the tactical question whether to align with the BJP, for several reasons. First, Hindutva politics as such never made headway in India’s southernmost State given the Tamil people’s consistent record of rejecting the Hindu-North Indian-Brahmin matrix as a single, unwanted political package. They considered this matrix a product of north Indian hegemony, one that the Nehruvian state and then other dispensations in a distant New Delhi sought to thrust upon the “Tamizhan,” the quintessential Tamil man (or woman). That feeling of “Tamil-ness” is still very much alive.

Second, Mr. Rajinikanth may have struck a chord with some voters when he spoke of “spiritual” politics – yet he has more to clarify on whether he intended that phraseology to convey the anti-thesis of corruption, or whether it was an overture to Hindus and Hindutvavadis across the State and in New Delhi. If it is the former, it would be most welcome at this nadir of democratic politics in Tamil Nadu, a dark period of grand larceny and covert institutional looting of the public coffers.

If Mr. Rajinikanth went out on a limb to take on politically connected corruption, shadow corporations and the massive rent-seeking network that has permeated every corner of the government and has led to capital flight to neighbouring States, the people of Tamil Nadu would flock to him.

Third, he may do well to give thought to whether his political foray would simply end up playing spoiler for either Dravidian party and prevent both from forming a strong, stable government. In such a scenario, wouldn’t his efforts only delay the long-awaited return of good governance?

Real-life hero?
Like many heroes of the silver screen, Mr. Rajinikanth’s entry into politics is a test of fire. He lacks many vital political appurtenances and a living link to an important historical chapter of this State. His very announcement of entry has spurred vicious attacks on his purported intentions, his character and his personal life.

Yet he stands – humbly, one must grant – at what might turn out to be a momentous crossroads for Tamil Nadu: its past political glory depleted in the gradual decline of the AIADMK and DMK, its people now pray for a political renaissance. Thalaivar to the rescue, perhaps?

Finally , politics has joined Rajinikanth.
 
“Big chairs that can seat two or three persons are not needed at government functions,” said Tourism Minister Kadakampally Surendran.

Tourism Minister Kadakampally Surendran on Tuesday won kudos and brickbats on social media for removing a throne-like seat meant for the Shankaracharya of the Shringery Math Bharathi Theertha Swami.

A throne-like chair was placed reportedly for the Shankaracharya at a programme to dedicate the Mithranandapuram pond to the public. On arrival, Mr. Surendran with the help of the former health minister V.S Sivakumar removed it and sat on ordinary plastic chairs. The Shakaracharya did not attend the programme, though a sanyasi from the Math was present on the occasion.

Mr. Surendran later took to Facebook defending his action. Big chairs that can seat two or three persons are not needed at government functions. The programme sheet showed that the Swami was not invited to the programme. “When I enquired about the big chair, I was told that it was for the Swami, should he choose to attend the programme. I removed the chair pointing out that such a chair was not necessary either for a Minister or for a pontiff of any denomination,” he added.

Mr. Surendran went on to say that the BJP state president Kummanam Rajasekharan and O. Rajagopal MLA, who were present on the occasion understood the awkwardness generated by the special chair.

The social world was divided over the minister's action with many people praising him and others condemning him.



Kerala Minister removes throne-like seat meant for Shankaracharya

Communist party minister incharge of temples in Kerala enjoys eating beef in beef festival!
The guy enjoying “Beef” at “Kerala Beef Fest” is none other than Devaswom Minister Kadakampally Surendran from CPI-M. He is in charge of Kerala Temples.
virat-hindu-BEEF-KERALA_3168914f.jpg

Communist party minister incharge of temples in Kerala enjoys eating beef in beef festival!

BJP-RSS Declare Holy War Against Kerala
BJP-RSS Declare Holy War Against Kerala - Mainstream Weekly


What is Actually Behind the BJP-RSS Combine's Holy War Declared on Kerala | NewsClick
 
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Non issue.

But a lal chaddi intellectually inferior moron like sudeep basu sees "equality enshrined in the constitution of india" in this? For these red monkeys constitution is a toilet paper to be used when needed and discarded when in absolute power. What kind of intellectual midgets these "liberals" are. How does constitution apply to a seating arrangement on a fcking stage for an event????? Pathetic and a blot on the rich intellectual traditions of bengal and kerala both.
 
Non issue.

But a lal chaddi intellectually inferior moron like sudeep basu sees "equality enshrined in the constitution of india" in this? For these red monkeys constitution is a toilet paper to be used when needed and discarded when in absolute power. What kind of intellectual midgets these "liberals" are. How does constitution apply to a seating arrangement on a fcking stage for an event????? Pathetic and a blot on the rich intellectual traditions of bengal and kerala both.


Bengal and Kerala are both on the way of becoming a soft Islamic state just like Kashmir valley and the Hindus there deserve it for their decades of inaction and in-fact glorification of such deeds.
 
ABVP calls for sending Central delegation to Kerala
By Express News Service | Published: 12th November 2017 03:38 AM |
Last Updated: 13th November 2017 09:42 AM | A+A A- |
THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: ABVP’s maha rally held here on Saturday called for sending a high-powered Central Government delegation to study the political killings in Kerala. Addressing the public meeting at the maha rally, ABVP national general secretary Vinay Bidre called for handing over the investigation of the political murders to the CBI. He said the CBI should conduct a re-investigation into the murder of Vadikkal Ramakishnan, in which Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan was an accused.

ABVP_calls.jpg
The ABVP maha rally held in Thiruvananthapuram
on Saturday | KAVIYOOR SANTHOSH
He also sought investigation by the National Investigation Agency into the murders in which extremist links were suspected. “Kerala, the land of Sankaracharya, is the pride of the entire nation. But the communist ideology is anti-national. The Chalo Kerala march was organised to regain that pride and expose the double standards of the communists in Kerala and Delhi,” he said. In Delhi they speak about freedom of expression, and in Kerala they kill their opponents while propagating their ideology. He said communist movement had always been anti-national.

“They stood with China during the Sino- Indian war. The anti-national elements had even crept into the campuses. That is why in the college magazine of Brennen College Thalassery, they insulted the national anthem and Indian nationalism” he alleged. The Chalo Kerala March is to caution the Left movement in the state that the workers of the ABVP in the state are not alone and the entire nation will stand with them, said Sunil Ambedkar. Nithi Tripadhi, ABVP leader from JNU, pointed out the double standards of the SFI and the Left thinkers, both in JNU and Kerala. In Kerala, they are perpetuating violence and not permitting other student organisations to work on the campuses, where they are in majority.

At the same time, in JNU, they are speaking about freedom of expression. K S Sanoop, the vice president of the ABVP Kerala unit, turned the entire gathering emotional when he removed his artificial eyes. His eyes were lost in an SFI attack when he won the post of chairperson of the Sree Krishna College, Guruvayur.

He promised the gathering that he will not be cowed down by the threats of the Left. C Sadanandan Master, who lost both his legs in CPM attack also spoke at the event. ABVP national president Dr Nagesh Thakur, Kishore Bhurman, Ashish Chauhan (National secretaries of the ABVP), Mahamedha Nagar (General secretary, Delhi University Union) and P Syamraj (State secretary) also spoke on the occasion. The rally taken out from Museum junction was noted for the massive participation of students from across the state wearing their traditional head gear.
ABVP calls for sending Central delegation to Kerala

I wonder what must be the point of these rallies ?
@bonobashi @Tatvamasi
I have a hunch

 
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Reactions: Notsuperstitious
If the BJP wants to win Kerala and TN, they need to shut their trap about Hindi in TN and win the support of the Ezhavas in Kerala. They also need to turn down the Ram mandir rhetoric in Kerala. Basics of the people seems to evade them.

Hindi will definitely grow in TN at its own pace, but damn sure we will oppose if it's imposed.

Positive growth & development politics will win hearts easily.
 
If the BJP wants to win Kerala and TN, they need to shut their trap about Hindi in TN and win the support of the Ezhavas in Kerala. They also need to turn down the Ram mandir rhetoric in Kerala. Basics of the people seems to evade them.
Hindi cannot be the official national languageand it is not and will never be, English can be national language or link language, someday. Hindi can be the state language of UP+MP.
Proper Hindi is spoken only in few districts of UP+MP, even in UP Angika-Braj-Bjopuri etc are separate languages. in their own right, Many languages share the devnagri script, like Marathi, Chatisgarhi. North India's actual language is a fusion of URDU+Hindi, it is also the language of Bollywood. "kintu" "parantu" Hindi is only spoken in Ramayan, Mahabharat serials.

Forget Tamil Nadu, Even Maharastra, Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra, and North-eastern states will not accept Hindi. There are no benefits in learning Hindi, there is no literature or useful books. Only use is that you can converse with people in many north Indian states if you ever travel there., read some sign boards in northern India or watch Bollywood movies. Just some basic Hindi till 7th 8th grade is more than enough for all this. The so called Hindi speakers should learn English and/or the local language., no one will learn Hindi for them and waste time.

India is a coalition, trying to create uniformity will not work.
 
Senior CPI(M) leader and Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan on Saturday alleged that India was becoming a strategic partner of the US in that country’s effort to form a larger defence alliance against China, “which is as per interest of RSS.”

“China is emerging as a big power in the world… India is becoming a strategic partner of the US in their effort to form a larger defence alliance against China,” he said. ”This is as per the interest of RSS. The aim of RSS is to build an axis of countries like US, India and Israel against China,” Vijayan said, inaugurating the CPI(M) district committee meeting.

CPI(M) state Secretary Kodiyeri Balakrishnan had triggered a row earlier this month after he remarked that an axis of countries like US, Japan, Australia and India has taken shape for attacking China from all sides. The BJP in Kerala had demanded registration of a case against Kodiyeri Balakrishnan for his remark.

Meanwhile activists of Hindu Yuva Morcha, the youth wing of BJP, burnt an effigy of the Chief Minister in front of the secretariat in Thiruvananthapuram in protest against his remark and also took out a march in that city. J R Anuraj, District president of the morcha, said they would observe a ‘protest day’ throughout Kerala on Sunday.

Kerala CM Says India Joining Efforts to Build 'Axis' Against China in Interest of RSS - Indian Defence Research Wing
 
when I see comments of some of commies and left leaders I always get flabbergasted by level of tunnel digging. Its unltimate and we find many blind sheeps to find reasons to Justify their statements. If these guys were in China they would be hanged to death and organs harvested.
 
Possibly shot by AKs but then it seems that
A) Pakistan was printing the currency
B) China was somehow involved in distributing it or transporting it,
Else why are the commies or Pappu so soft on Pakistanis and commies?

when I see comments of some of commies and left leaders I always get flabbergasted by level of tunnel digging. Its unltimate and we find many blind sheeps to find reasons to Justify their statements. If these guys were in China they would be hanged to death and organs harvested.
 
Dude I understand your love for modi but for god sake stop posting irrevelevent garbage just for sake of it. If your hands are itching to post this video start a new thread.
If you agree/disagree with what kerala cm has said please comment in this thread or kindly stay out of it.
Derailing tactics.... I don't see any other reasons....