Africa : News, Discussion & Updates

Explained: A major India-Africa conclave is taking place in New Delhi — why is it important?​

High-level diplomats from several African nations are currently in New Delhi for a key two-day investment meet that was scheduled to be inaugurated by Vice President Venkaiah Naidu on Tuesday (July 19). External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar and Trade Minister Piyush Goyal were scheduled to attend the summit.

VP @MVenkaiahNaidu met VPs of Gambia, Mauritius & Zambia, and DPM of Namibia. Leaders are in New Delhi for the ongoing CII-EXIM Bank Conclave & other bilateral engagements.
The joint interaction saw discussions on ways to propel the India-Africa growth partnership forward. pic.twitter.com/mGpIlECE3i
— Arindam Bagchi (@MEAIndia) July 19, 2022
The summit
Forty high-level ministers from 17 countries, including Cameroon, Burkina Faso, Eswatini, Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Niger, Malawi, Mauritius, Sudan, Namibia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone, are participating in the two-day summit.

The CII-EXIM Bank Conclave on India-Africa Growth Partnership was launched in 2005 with the support of India’s Ministry of External Affairs and Ministry of Commerce & Industry to encourage the development of private investment from India in African countries.
Warm welcome to DPM & FM Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah of Namibia in India. Her participation in CII-EXIM Bank Conclave and extensive engagements over the next few days will further deepen our relations with Namibia in all spheres. pic.twitter.com/KEEOLPx0he
— Arindam Bagchi (@MEAIndia) July 17, 2022
This is the 17th edition of the conclave. Over the years, it has “emerged as one of the largest congregations of senior ministers, policy makers and business leaders from Africa and India, cutting across sectors”, and “played a pivotal role in encouraging Indian companies to establish and grow their footprint in Africa”, according to the conclave website.

This year’s conclave focuses on infrastructure development and trade finance, education and training, agriculture and food processing, consultancy services, and healthcare in addition to other areas where Indian companies have steadily increased their presence over the years in Africa.

The significance
Trade between the African subcontinent and India increased from $7.2 billion in 2001 to $59.9 billion in 2017, making India the continent’s fourth-largest national trading partner, according to Exim Bank and the African Export-Import Bank (Afriexim Bank). Trade with India accounted for more than 6.4 per cent of total African trade in 2017.
Data from the Ministry of Commerce and Industry show bilateral trade between India and the 48 countries of sub-Saharan Africa was valued at $46.82 billion in 2020-21, down from $55.70 billion in 2019-20. India has a negative trade balance with sub-Saharan Africa, the Ministry figures show.

In a statement issued on Africa Day on May 25, the Ministry of External Affairs said that 38 African nations have benefited from India’s Duty Free Tariff Preference (DFTP) scheme which provides duty free access to 98.2 per cent of India’s total tariff lines.

Lines of Credit (LoCs) worth $12.26 billion have so far been extended to African countries, making them the second-largest recipient of India’s concessional loans, the MEA said.

Gurjit Singh, former Indian Ambassador to Ethiopia and former Representative of India to the African Union, and author of ‘The Harambee Factor: India-Africa Economic And Development Partnership’, said the conclave, besides helping take India’s private sector into African nations, “brings together African ministers with their Indian counterparts in informal meetings instead of ministerial meetings”.

Key countries
Some sessions at the conference are country-specific, focusing on individual countries, for instance, Mauritius, Namibia and Gabon. Mauritius, especially, has emerged as a financial hub and a gateway to the African continent for India, Amb. Singh said.
A warm welcome to Vice President Marie Cyril Eddy Boissézon of Mauritius for his participation in the CII-EXIM Bank Conclave.
Yet another step towards furthering the vibrant economic & people-to-people exchanges between 🇮🇳&🇲🇺. pic.twitter.com/q7zccowvY2
— Arindam Bagchi (@MEAIndia) July 18, 2022
Mauritius is the first and only African country so far to have a CECPA (Comprehensive Economic Cooperation and Partnership Agreement) with India, an agreement that aims at building trade ties between the two countries.

Political stability and rapid economic recovery post Covid-19 have made resource-rich Namibia in southern Africa attractive for foreign investment, the conclave’s website says. The country has rich deposits of uranium, diamonds, copper, phosphates and other minerals.
At a trade summit last year, the country’s high commissioner to India, Gabriel P Sinimbo, had indicated the country was exploring the possibility of exporting diamonds and semi-precious stones directly to India rather than through other countries.

Over the years, Indian enterprises have invested in energy, healthcare, and agriculture sectors, as well as the business of diamond cutting and polishing, in Namibia. Analysts expect these sectors to grow over the next few years.
 

South Africa's Aspen, India's Serum Institute sign vaccines deal for Africa​

South Africa's Aspen Pharmacare has signed a deal with the Serum Institute of India to manufacture and sell four Aspen-branded vaccines for Africa.

The vaccines are hexavalent, pneumococcal, polyvalent meningococcal and rotavirus, Aspen said in a statement.

"Aspen SA Operations has secured a licence to the enabling know how from the Serum Institute," it said, adding the two sides might also discuss expanding the agreement to include new products or new versions of products.
 

South Africa's Aspen, India's Serum Institute sign vaccines deal for Africa​

South Africa's Aspen Pharmacare has signed a deal with the Serum Institute of India to manufacture and sell four Aspen-branded vaccines for Africa.

The vaccines are hexavalent, pneumococcal, polyvalent meningococcal and rotavirus, Aspen said in a statement.

"Aspen SA Operations has secured a licence to the enabling know how from the Serum Institute," it said, adding the two sides might also discuss expanding the agreement to include new products or new versions of products.
 

India’s Maritime Agenda Pivots to Western Indian Ocean​

India’s defence and security cooperation with countries of the Western Indian Ocean Region (WIOR)[a] has evolved in recent years, especially in the maritime domain. This can be attributed to two main factors. First, India is rising as a maritime power sitting astride critical sea lanes of communications (SLOCs) in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). The Indian Navy (IN) is increasingly positioning itself as a security provider for the regional commons, assuming the role of a security stabiliser in the IOR and as a source of positive deterrencehttps://www.orfonline.org/research/indias-maritime-agenda-pivots-to-western-indian-ocean/#_ftn2 and provider of regional public goods.[c],[1]


Second, countries in Africa are becoming more aware of the importance of securing their maritime domain and promoting the sustainable use of marine resources in order to foster wealth creation and development. Much of this emphasis has been directed towards the WIOR[d]—where states have overlapping geopolitical and naval interests. The region is home to some of the busiest International Shipping Lines (ISL) in the world that carry the bulk of international cargo and container traffic. The WIOR is also naturally endowed: a 2017 World Wide Fund (WWF) report pegged the WIOR’s total natural assets at US$ 333.8 billion by conservative estimates.[2] Of these, fisheries are the largest asset, followed by mangroves, sea-grass, and coral reefs.


India has therefore rightly identified the West Indian Ocean as a region of primary interest in its 2015 Maritime Security Strategy.[3] The attention is in light of both its outreach towards Africa, and the increased role of Indian Navy as a regional security partner and provider of regional public goods.


Map 1. The Western Indian Ocean Region

Source: Jeremy Kiszka, et.al., 2009[4]

The Western Indian Ocean Region: An Overview


The Western Indian Ocean sits in a geo-strategic location. To its north is the Horn of Africa (HOA) region that is beset by piracy and extremism, among other challenges. The HOA is located at an important geographical location of the trijunction connecting the ISL or maritime highways of the world viz. those leading east to Arabian Sea and the Eastern Indian Ocean, those leading north to the North Arabian Sea and Strait of Hormuz and Persian Gulf, and those leading south to the WIOR and the African coast.


For long, maritime security in WIOR was associated with piracy off the coast of Somalia. With concerted multinational and regional efforts including the provision of escorts to vulnerable commercial vessels, incidents of large-scale piracy in the WIOR have reduced since 2012.[5] The attention has since shifted to newer, non-traditional and transnational maritime crimes. These include maritime crimes[e] and unregulated marine activities; the spillover of the conflicts in Mozambique, Yemen, and Somalia into the maritime domain; the growing use of grey-zone tactics;[f] and the proliferation of external naval deployments, which could undermine regional stability.


In recent years, the Western Indian Ocean has witnessed growing militarisation with the presence of external players like the United States (US), China, France, and India. External powers have been naturally attracted towards the WIOR owing to the region’s abundant natural resources and its role as a conduit for oil and gas trade. Subsequently, both external players and regional African governments and stakeholders are attempting to navigate the security dynamics in the region. The US continues to have stakes in the region through its military base at Diego Garcia, and conducts capacity-building exercises in the region like Cutlass Express. France has traditionally played a significant role in the region. Through its overseas department of Réunion and Mayotte, it continues to establish itself as an Indian Ocean Rim state and engages closely with regional multilateral institutions like the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Indian Ocean Commission (IOC).


From an African context, the imperatives of infrastructure demand and their own capacity deficiencies in ensuring the safety of their maritime domain have necessitated foreign external assistance and presence in the WIOR. So far, the presence of China, India, US or France, has not been a source of concern for African countries in the region, although they remain mindful of not getting entangled in geopolitical rivalries that could force them into making zero-sum choices. For India though, the incremental presence of China’s People’s Liberation Army-Navy (PLAN) in the region has been a source of concern.[6]


The East African (EA) coast is part of China’s Maritime Silk Route (MSR). Countries in the EA coast benefit from Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) investments. China is devoting massive sums of money and is funding and constructing infrastructures across the region, such as ports, railways, and roads.[7] This has been complemented by a steady increase in PLAN warships, research survey vessels, and fishing fleets in the IOR. India is aware that the PLAN’s ability to maintain presence in the Indian Ocean may constrain India’s freedom of navigation.


The growing ‘militarisation dilemma’ is a source of insecurity in the region.[8] If the presence of external actors in the region are to be reduced, it would weaken efforts to secure shipping lanes and patrol Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZ). On the other hand, if there is an increase in external military operations in the WIOR, it may undermine regional stability, ferment tensions, and undermine collective efforts to provide security at sea.


Governance gaps and ineffective security apparatus along the eastern African flank, as well as the rise in illegal fishing in the area, could encourage a resurgence of piracy in the Gulf of Aden. This would threaten India’s trade and energy shipping routes, most of which pass through this region.


As WIOR countries still face basic security-related challenges that threaten their sovereignty and they do not always have adequate resources that address these threats, any Indian assistance to African countries in this regard would prove beneficial. Combined with diplomacy and development, defence can be the third ‘D’ with which India could progress its international and regional cooperation with WIOR nations. This comes at a time when African countries have raised their military spending despite the economic hardships brought about by the Covid-19 pandemic. However, compared to other regions of the world, military spending in Africa continues to remain modest.


Elements of India-WIOR Defence and Security Engagement


In the last two decades, parallel to India’s economic growth and rise as a military player, the scope and magnitude of its defence engagements with WIOR countries has increased exponentially. Today, India’s interactions with the region cover a wider range—from joint exercises, memberships in common multilateral forums, hydrography surveys, counter-piracy initiatives, trainings, deputation of officers, capacity-building, and humanitarian assistance and disaster relief operations.


A specific engagement involves India exporting indigenous armoured vehicles to African countries such as Uganda to fulfil their requirements for local police work.[g] India plans to supply African countries with indigenous defence equipment manufactured in pursuit of the ‘Make in India’ initiative.[9] India held a mini defence-expo in Tanzania in May 2022, during which 16 Indian companies from government and private sector interacted with Tanzania People’s Defence Force (TDPF) with the aim of increasing Indian defence footprint in Tanzania.[10] These developments are in addition to India’s long history of participation in United Nations Peacekeeping Missions in different countries in Africa.[11]


Table 1: Defence Budgets and Ranks in Military Strength

Source: The Global Firepower Index[12]
As noted briefly earlier, military exercises comprise a significant part of collaborations between India and the countries of WIOR. In March 2019, for example, the inaugural Africa India Field Training Exercise (AFINDEX-19) was conducted in Pune, drawing participants from 17 African countries.[h],[13] African countries have also been enhancing their participation in defence exhibitions being organised by India. Indeed, India and Africa are demonstrating that there are a number of ways by which cooperation in the defence sphere can be upscaled. African countries are looking forward to gaining the advantages of experience and equipment that India’s defence establishment can offer.[14]


Another initiative is the first-ever India-Africa Defence Ministers Conclave (IADMC) that took place in Lucknow in 2020, during which the ‘Lucknow Declaration’ was signed by 50 African countries.[15] The Declaration focused on the UN’s counterterrorism efforts and compliance with the UN regime on terrorism. It also aims to improve information-sharing towards securing sea-lanes, tightening measures against crime and theft in the maritime sphere, improving disaster preparedness response, and tackling piracy and illegal and unregulated fishing.


The IADMC is expected to deliberate on issues of mutual security interests and this could be an important addition to the security cooperation basket between India and Africa. In September 2021, India proposed to institutionalise the India-Africa Defence Dialogue during a series of DefExpos to be held once every two years.[16] This would help augment the existing partnership and explore new areas of convergence for mutual engagements including in areas like capacity-building, training, cyber security, maritime security, and counterterrorism. The 2022 edition of the Defence Dialogue is scheduled to take place in Gujarat in October under the theme, “India-Africa, Adopting Strategy for Synergizing and Strengthening Defence and Security Cooperation”.


Table 2: Indian Training Teams in Africa





Notes:


  • Naval Advisors, Operational and Support Teams are based in Mauritius and Seychelles; however, they are not called ‘Training Teams’ even though they conduct regular trainings
  • Observers, Liaison Teams associated with Peace Support Operations are not included in this list
  • Past Indian Training Teams such as those of Indian Army and Air Force in Angola, Indian Air Force in Congo and Tri-Services Team in Tanzania are not part of the list

Specific to the WIOR, ship visits from India have been increasing in frequency especially after 2008 when the menace of piracy off Somalia was endangering international trade and commerce. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic in early 2020 has also provided an opportunity for India to increase its engagement in the region. Since May 2020, under the Indian Navy’s ‘Mission SAGAR’, India has delivered Covid-19-related assistance to WIOR countries, including food aid, oxygen concentrators, medicines, and deployment of medical assistance teams. As part of this mission, INS Kesari successfully visited Mauritius, Madagascar, Comoros, Seychelles in May and June 2020.[17] This was followed by Mission SAGAR-II in December 2020, during which INS Airavat delivered food aid to Sudan, South Sudan, Djibouti, and Eritrea.


Such efforts have been possible due to the Indian Navy’s philosophy of ‘Mission Based Deployments’[18] that was first articulated in 2017, under which combat-ready ships of the Indian Navy are deployed in the waters of the Western Indian Ocean in order to respond to any requirement be it policing, maintaining order, search and rescue (SAR), humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), or as part of protocol in international cooperation. For example, the Indian Navy was one of the first responders when Cyclone Idai made landfall in the port of Beira, Mozambique in 2019; it was repeated in 2020 during Cyclone Diane’ in Madagascar, and following the MV Wakashio oil spill off Mauritius, also in 2020. India has also extended support for capacity-building efforts to the Mozambique Armed Forces by gifting two Fast Interceptor Craft (FIC) intended for patrol and rescue operations and self-defence equipment in December 2021.[19]


Other activities will also seek to boost India’s presence in the WIOR. In 2020, India became an observer to the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC), which is the sole regional organisation in Africa composed exclusively of island nations. It has also obtained observer status in the Djibouti Code of Conduct (DCoC) of 2009 and the DCoC’s Jeddah Amendment of 2017.[20] As an observer, India will work with DCoC’s member states towards coordinating and contributing to enhanced maritime security in the IOR. Another example of this partnership is India’s invitation to 14 African countries in WIOR and other parts of the continent, to the multilateral naval exercise, MILAN 22, at Vishakhapatnam in February and March 2022.


Table 3: India’s Maritime Assistance to Select WIOR Countries

Source: Premesha Saha and Abhishek Mishra, 2020[21]
Another avenue of cooperation between India and WIOR countries is maritime information-sharing. Effective maritime enforcement capacity is dependent upon a nation’s strong Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA).https://www.orfonline.org/research/indias-maritime-agenda-pivots-to-western-indian-ocean/#_ftn9 This capacity is vital for promoting marine safety, stopping illegal activity, responding to vessels in distress, tracking at-sea transhipments, and protecting territorial waters from illegal incursions by foreign vessels. Most of the countries in WIOR lack the requisite capacity to effectively patrol their waters, and India has been helping them in setting up coastal surveillance networks.[22]


In this context, India launched an Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) in Gurugram in December 2018. The centre collects, analyses, and disseminates information related to maritime safety and HADR requirements at sea. In pursuit of this goal, the Indian Navy has been engaging with friendly foreign navies for concluding and signing of agreements for exchange of White Shipping Information in order to enhance India’s MDA in the IOR. Till date, India has signed White Shipping Information with African countries like Mauritius, Seychelles, Kenya, Mozambique, and Nigeria. India and Tanzania have also exchanged a draft agreement on the sharing of white shipping information and the upgrade of surveillance systems. The motive behind such engagement is to improve linkages that are central to improving security cooperation in the maritime domain. Towards this end, India has requested and invited African countries in the WIOR to post international liaison officers at the IFC-IOR in New Delhi. Mauritius and Seychelles have already expressed interest to deputise their naval liaison officers.


The Indian Navy’s participation in the 2021 edition of the US AFRICOM directed multilateral maritime exercise Cutlass Express was a visible demonstration of India’s growing role in the region.[23] The Indian Navy trained the contingents from participating African navies in various fields across the spectrum of maritime security operations. Participating in these exercises helps improve interoperability and increase support in MDA, maritime interdiction, adherence to rule of law, and counter-proliferation capabilities in order to disrupt illicit maritime activities and blue crimes.


India’s SAGAR Vision


India’s increased engagements in WIOR is occurring at a time when the country is shaping its vision for the entire Indian Ocean Region. The vision called SAGAR or Security and Growth for All in the Region, states: “Our vision for Indian Ocean Region is rooted in advancing cooperation in our region; and, to use our capabilities for the benefit of all in our common maritime home. We seek a future for Indian Ocean that lives up to the name of SAGAR – Security and Growth for All in the Region.”[24]


The vision of SAGAR (literally meaning ‘oceans’ in the Hindi language) has assumed significance in current times as it is becoming increasingly apparent that maritime security and sustainable use of marine and oceanic resources, is vital for securing states’ security and economic aspirations. The vision has distinct but interrelated elements, and its enshrined principles provide India with a coherent framework for its engagements in the region.


A number of challenges are involved, ranging from connectivity and security to culture and identity. The unimpeded movement of trade and commerce is of vital importance to India. At the same time, the country needs to harness the sea for resources and clean energy. Although India’s vision of SAGAR is not a break away from the past, it is being presented as an organic, coherent vision for the first time. Its articulation has effectively demonstrated the linkage between maritime cooperation, maritime security, and economic development. In this sense, Security and Growth is viewed by India as a co-terminus, rather than a zero-sum game.[25]


Recommendations and Conclusion


India’s defence and security cooperation with WIOR countries, especially in the maritime domain, has grown manifold in recent years. While these ties are neither well-entrenched nor definitive, they are certainly progressing. India’s advantage in the WIOR stems primarily from its geographical proximity and centrality in Indian Ocean affairs. India also shares cultural commonalities with countries in the region, and the diaspora has only increased in size in recent years.[26] It would not be an overstatement to say that India has considerable influence in each of these nations, owing to the goodwill that it enjoys, made stronger by bilateral engagements.


Given the current trajectory of growth in Indian technology and manufacturing capacity, the likely nature of future engagements with nations in the WIOR may include enhanced bilateral Naval cooperation, supply of more hardware such as maritime patrol aircraft (MPA)/ offshore patrol vessels (OPV) or fast interceptor craft (FIC), assistance in establishing Coastal Surveillance Radar Systems (CSRS), and development of hydrographic capabilities. Moreover, the setting up of Intra-Regional Security/Police training centres in WIOR will enhance India’s reach and goodwill among the littoral and island nations of the region. More training courses for military as well as civilian personnel, and the strengthening of relationship by fulfilling other requirements of WIOR countries, could help India achieve its strategic objectives in the region and the Indian Navy will continue to be in a position to provide security in the IOR.


This brief offers the following recommendations for strengthening India-WIOR defence cooperation.


  • Improving inter-agency coordination and setting up institutionalised mechanisms. In India’s internal system, the lack of coordination at the apex level and their immediate echelons below, viz. Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), Ministry of Defence (MoD), and the Headquarters of the three services, the Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) Headquarters and Coast Guard Headquarters, affects the manner in which it conducts its defence diplomacy. A ‘whole of government’ approach would result in better decision-making at the MEA and MoD levels. It would also convey a simple message to the host countries in WIOR that have smaller and more integrated structures that are often encumbered by the vast array India’s Armed Force outreach activities. Therefore, the imperative is for institutionalised mechanisms at the macro level for forming Joint Working Groups (JWG) or similar bodies to enhance cooperation with WIOR countries on white shipping, coastal security, disaster management, IUU fishing, and hydrography.

  • Enhanced interactions, more staff talks, two-way delegation visits, including Army and Air Force visits. Visit of all four Service Headquarters, Ministry officials, and Training institutions should be coordinated and have a tri-service character.

  • Continue and enhance the existing courses being offered at the officer and Other Rank (OR) level. National Defence College (NDC) and Staff College. Reciprocity in this regard may be considered. Any further thrust areas, for example Artillery, Intelligence, and Nuclear Biological Chemical Defence (NBCD), should be explored. India should deliver more training courses in the WIOR, particularly short-term ones.

  • Peacekeeping Support Operations. Both India and WIOR (in particular, Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda) have long years of experience in peacekeeping. Greater thrust in this area should be considered, including supporting the Kenyan International Peace Support Training Centre (IPSTC), conducting exchanges of faculty between the Centre for United Nations Peacekeeping (CUNPK) and IPSTC. Moreover, India and the WIOR countries can explore activities such as exchanging more literature on peacekeeping operations, institutional exchanges, and organising seminars and public discussions, as well as cross-trainings and operations.

  • Equipment and arms. India has many options for supplying the countries of WIOR with cheaper military equipment. Helicopters, patrol boats, navy and army radars, night-vision devices, clothing and shoes, and motor transport of various kinds. India should consider setting up a Defence Expert Company, with offices in WIOR countries like Mauritius, Seychelles, Mozambique, Kenya and Tanzania, with adequate military and civilian representation.

  • Miscellaneous areas should be explored: sports, adventure, youth leaders’ programmes, medical management, info-tech, logistics management, flight safety, exchange of books and periodicals, as well as naval hydrography for survey, and delineation of EEZs.

  • Technical assistance for maintenance of equipment, workshops, dock facilities, repair of boats, guns, tanks, aircraft and any other such issues.

  • Specialisation training to WIOR countries in areas like medicine, engineering, management, and hydrography by India’s especially established schools and colleges. Other specialised endeavours may be given due attention, including research, satellite imagery interpretation, ship building, jungle warfare, and mountain warfare.

  • Naval/maritime cooperation as earlier discussed, but expanded to include more ship visits, more time in harbour for enhanced interaction, hydrography, Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) and information exchange, and EEZ patrols.
 

India-Nigeria Foreign Office Consultations​

September 30, 2022
The Second round of Foreign Office Consultations (FOC) between India and Nigeria was held on 29 September 2022 in New Delhi. The FOC was chaired by Shri Sevala Naik Mude, JS (C&WA), Ministry of External Affairs and Amb. Mustapha Tunde Mukaila, Director Regions, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria.

2. The visiting Nigerian delegation was led by H.E. Mr. Gabriel Aduda, Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nigeria. Permanent Secretary Aduda met Secretary (ER), Shri Dammu Ravi and both discussed various ways and means to further strengthen the mutifaceted relations that exists between the two countries.

3. During the FOC, both the sides reviewed the entire gamut of bilateral relations covering political, economic & commercial investment, defence & security, development partnership, capacity building, cultural and consular matters. Both sides also discussed ways to further strengthen the close bilateral ties between India and Nigeria. The two sides also exchanged views on regional and global issues of mutual interest and agreed to enhance their cooperation in the multilateral fora.

4. Relations between India and Nigeria have traditionally been warm and are based on shared historical ties, values of democracy and vision. There have been regular visits taking place from both sides. Defence cooperation between the two countries has been nurtured over the years, and India had helped Nigeria in setting up their Defence Academy. As part of capacity building under ITEC, India offers over 250 slots annually which are being utilised optimally. Under this framework, several Nigerian senior military officers were trained in India, including two former Presidents and the present incumbent President H.E. Mr. Mohammadu Buhari.

5. The bilateral trade and Indian investment in Nigeria have been growing steadily. The bilateral trade during 2021-22 was US$14.95 bn, with India importing oil to the tune of US$10 bn. India is one of the largest investors in Nigeria. Indian investment in Nigeria is estimated at approximately US$ 19.3 billion. More than 135 Indian companies are currently operating in Nigeria in diverse fields such as pharmaceuticals, engineering goods, electrical machinery and equipment, plastics, chemicals, etc. Both sides exchanged views on how to deepen trade links through use of national currencies, Development Projects and Institution building in a manner that would be mutually beneficial. India is preferred destination for higher education and medical tourism to Nigerians. Over 50,000 Indian professionals are working in Nigeria contributing significantly to the economy of Nigeria.

6. The talks were held in a friendly and cordial atmosphere. Both sides agreed to hold the next consultations at Abuja (Nigeria) at a mutually convenient date.

New Delhi
September 29, 2022
 

India Africa Defence Conclave: A curtain raiser​

India and Africa substantially upgraded their historic partnership in 2008 when the first India Africa Forum Summit was hosted by India. Since then both sides have built on this strong foundation by building a multifaceted relationship, including in defence, based on equality, mutual trust, and shared benefit.

India and Africa have recognized the common challenges facing the world today, including climate change, food, water, energy, health, and financial crises. Both are committed to a balanced outcome of the climate change negotiations; reform of the UN are goals that both identify with. About international security, both are equally concerned with the dangers associated with proliferation of nuclear weapons, and threat posed by international terrorism and organized crime. Both sides seek cooperation in combating and eradicating the threat posed by piracy in the Indian Ocean Region. India has over the years contributed substantially to UN Peacekeeping Operations in the continent and has also engaged in training and capacity building among African military personnel. India has used its development cooperation to build coastal surveillance of IOR littoral, to send food aid and vaccines to mitigate the effects of pandemic and Ukraine war. The prospects of Indian defence exports to Africa are an added salience in the growing partnership.

The foundation of India Africa defence relations are based on the two guiding principles, namely, SAGAR, Security and Growth for All in the region and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakkam, the World is One family.


The first ever India Africa Defence Ministers Conclave was held on Feb 6, 2020, in Lucknow in conjunction with the DefExpo, co-organized by the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of External Affairs. Over 154 delegates from Africa including defence ministers from 14 African countries and Service Chiefs from 38 countries participated. A joint declaration, Lucknow Declaration was adopted at the Conclave.


In furtherance, India has institutionalized the India Africa defense Dialogue during successive Def Expos to be held once every two years. This will ‘help build on the existing partnerships between African countries and India and to explore new areas of convergence for mutual engagement including in capacity building, training, cyber security, maritime security, and counter terrorism’.


The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies (IDSA) will be the knowledge partner of India Africa Defence dialogue and Rajnath Singh, India’s Defence Minister will host the Defence Ministers of African nations at the next Def Expo in Gandhinagar, Gujarat on March 18-20, 2022. The broad theme will be ‘India and Africa-adopting strategy for synergizing and strengthening defense and security cooperation, to explore new areas for convergence for mutual engagements.’Covid Pandemic and the collateral damage of the Ukraine war have emerged as major challenges since the last dialogue was held.


Exploring common solutions to common problems will be the overarching theme in Gandhinagar later this week. The world has become flatter with the emergence of non state actors, gray zone tactics, disruptive technologies, and cyber capabilities. Recognizing the disruptive effect of the Covid pandemic and the Ukraine war there is scope to work together in dealing with these challenges in the spirit of mutual trust, equality, and shared benefit.


India could also cooperate with countries such as Japan, US, Australia, and UAE in handling common problems. The shifting of the problem of piracy to the Gulf of Guinea gives India the opportunity to work with France for ensuring maritime security in the region. Given the gaining traction in the Indo-Pacific, through the QUAD processes, India Africa cooperation becomes significant as these two regions are welded together by common oceanic spaces.


India and Africa built their relationship by establishing military academies in Ethiopia and Nigeria, training personnel (Nigerian President is alumni of DSSC), and participation in the UNPKO. Today, the focus has shifted towards non-traditional security domains, such as counter-terrorism, piracy, and climate change, with primacy given to piracy. Development and security are intertwined and underdevelopment, directly or indirectly undermines African security. Moreover, security enables and protects the fruit of development.


Furthermore, health-based concerns have become securitized, as discussions surrounding the outbreak of Ebola and Covid pandemic have found a place on the international agenda and have become national security priorities.


The critical juncture that the world finds itself in amid great uncertainty and rupture has provided fertile ground for India and Africa security cooperation. However, security has deteriorated in Africa, more so in the Sahel region, over the years despite foreign troops’ presence and financial assistance, and France’s decision to exit from Mali. Such challenges have emerged from Africa’s post-colonial legacy, dysfunctional state security apparatus, and arms and narco-trafficking, food insecurity, and the youth bulge with increasing demands to address unemployment. Consequently, alternate power centers have come to the fore.


It is also worrisome that some of Africa’s most powerful states Nigeria and South Africa are experiencing turmoil as deteriorating socio-economic conditions have resulted in ethnic secessionism, political agitation, and electoral violence. Africa’s stand by forces and regional economic communities have failed to address these issues. Given that governance determines the size, longevity and success of terrorist groups, the view from Africa is that India needs to prioritize good governance in its security relations with Africa. In other words, given its growing interest in Africa, India should engage more deeply and intrusively.


In recognition of the strides made by India in defence production, Indian and African policy makers have called for deeper cooperation in the domain of defence industries through investments, joint ventures in defence equipment software, digital defence, R&D, defence equipment, spares, and their maintenance in a sustainable way.


Some of the countries affected by coups, civil wars and insurgencies are also sources of essential minerals such as cobalt, copper and bauxite. As long-term investments face security challenges, China, for instance, tries to influence geopolitical developments in its favor. In June, China organized a peace conference in the Horn of Africa, where the Tigray conflict in Ethiopia has claimed thousands of lives, and in 2011 established the first overseas military base in Djibouti; under Xi Jinping China has tried to integrate security cooperation under its Forum on China-Africa Cooperation.These outside power activities are likely to continue as competition intensifies between china and the US (and its allies) over critical materials.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has disrupted Africa’s promising recovery from Covid 19 pandemic by raising food and fuel prices, tightening the fiscal space, constraining green transitions, and reducing the flow of development finance in the continent.


The critical question is how Africa can leverage its abundant resources and human capabilities to address the short-term impact of the war and advance their long-term development and security needs. While the level of trade with Russia and Ukraine is insignificant some African nations rely heavily on these two countries for critical imports, particularly wheat, fertilizers, and steel. Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, in North Africa, Nigeria in West Africa, Ethiopia and Sudan in east Africa, and South Africa account for 80 percent of wheat imports. The sanctions imposed on Russia further exacerbate commercial flows.


Some regions including the Horn of Africa and Sahel region are at greater risk of food insecurity due to country specific shocks, climate change, export restrictions, and stockpiling, especially if the rising cost of fertilizer and other energy inputs will negatively impact the next agriculture season because of the ongoing conflict. Increasing food insecurity through increase in food prices is bound to increase the likelihood of protests and armed conflict. The most vulnerable are the fragile states or the Sahelian countries, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, and Mauritania.


The challenge is how to best use the vast arable lands of the continent mired with internal conflicts. In the Ukraine war the global South has stood by Russia and avoided taking sides. The war may yet be a silver lining to compel Africa to reduce its dependence on imports, including oil.


Despite being well-endowed with natural energy resources, Africa faces critical challenges to its energy sector, mainly lack of access, poor infrastructure, low purchasing power, and low energy efficiency, which remain major obstacles to the attainment of full economic growth. Meanwhile, India’s ability to maintain economic growth will be heavily influenced by how it manages its growing energy demands. India is expected to import 90% of its petroleum supply by 2050 if it continues its current growth trajectory. In this context, India will increasingly look at Africa to diversify its energy sources. Energy has also emerged at the forefront of India’s strategy in Africa.


The collateral damage of the Covid 19 and Ukraine conflict will be the big elephant in the room in the next Conclave. India has stood by the Global South in reaching vaccines and food to African countries when these were required most, where other advanced states failed. Several countries from the continent have spoken for India at the UN at its current session, increasingly calling into question the relevance of the UN.


There is an increasing recognition of the cross-cutting nature of security issues. Global concerns such as climate change, pandemics, energy security, food security and terrorism demand increased cooperation across national borders. It is crucial to understand African priorities and challenges to enhance cooperation. It is essential to learn from each other’s experiences and construct a common discourse on issues of mutual interest. It is also important to study what other powers are doing in Africa. The forthcoming India Africa Defense Conclave certainly would be an occasion to exchange notes, share concerns and listen to African voices which would improve India’s policy approaches to Africa.
 

India seizes opportunities in African healthcare​

Like many African doctors, Peter Mativo had to travel overseas to complete his training. In 2007 he left Kenya for Bangalore to pursue his goal of becoming a neurologist. After 18 months in India, he returned to Kenya and now works at the Aga Khan University Hospital in Nairobi.
"Most of us train in India, as Africa is not a developed continent. We have a very poor economy with no medical infrastructure in place nor specialised training," he says.

"I would have never been able to get a specialised degree if I would have not opted for India," Mr Mativo says.
India is keen to strengthen such ties with Africa. It has identified the healthcare sector as one area where trade between the continents can flourish.

So young African doctors are encouraged to finish their training in India, meanwhile Indian healthcare firms are expanding all over Africa.

Dr Peter Mativo
Image source, Peter Mativo
Image caption,
Dr Mativo had to travel from Kenya to Banaglore to finish his medical training

"The African market is a natural fit for Indian pharmaceutical companies, as India is the largest provider of generic medicine in the world," says Nisht Dubey.

Generic drugs made in India can sell at a quarter of the price of a branded equivalent, which makes them a popular choice in less well-off parts of the world.

"There is a big gap between demand and supply of medicines in Africa, with a huge disparity among rich and poor," says Mr Dubey.

Spurred by a shortage of medicine and hospital equipment in Kenya during the Covid crisis, Mr Dubey set-up Goodstrain Pharma in 2020. It imports medicine and medical products from all over the world into Kenya.

Goodstrain's warehouse and corporate offices are in Nairobi, but Mr Dubey wants it to expand across East Africa.

"Africa is the only pharmaceutical market where genuinely high growth is still achievable," says Mr Dubey, who is originally from Uttar Pradesh in northern India.

But getting a firm going in Kenya has not been easy. Goodstrain's very first shipment to Kenya was held up at customs for weeks - a major setback for the young firm.

Mr Dubey says they were not ready for the web of regulations covering imports. Now a third party, which specialises in clearing imports, handles that for them.
A medical officer is seen preparing to administer a covid-19 vaccine jab to a man at The Nakuru County Referral and Teaching Hospital. In May 2022
Image source, Getty Images
Image caption,
In Kenya there was an acute shortage of medical supplies during the pandemic

Africure Pharmaceuticals, has gone one step further than Goodstrain, by manufacturing pharmaceuticals in Africa.
The company, only founded in 2017, already has nine manufacturing facilities in Africa, employing 300 people across Cameroon, Namibia,
Botswana and Côte d'Ivoire, with plans to build plants in Ethiopia and Zimbabwe.

Africure's factories make medications to treat pain, fever, inflammation, malaria, diabetes andhypertension, as well as a wide range of antibiotics.
"Africa over the years has been dependent on imports of medication from Europe, India, and China, which has resulted in the draining of precious foreign exchange, non-creation of job opportunities, and suffering the vagaries of supply and demand," says Sinhue Noronha, founder and chief executive of Africure Pharmaceuticals.

Originally from Mumbai, Mr Noronha, hopes his firm will help tackle some of the problems in African healthcare.
"Our primary objective is to solve the persistent issues such as affordability, availability, low quality, technological dependence, and reliance on imports.
"All of our plants and distribution setups are engaged primarily to provide an uninterrupted supply of essential medicines."
Goodstrain Pharma warehouse
Image source, Goodstrain Pharma
Image caption,
Goodstrain Pharma imports medicine and medical products into Kenya

Mr Noronha says that Indian firms have a head start over rivals from elsewhere in the world.
"Indian manufacturers and importers are able to understand the African market because of our large diaspora presence in Africa."

Even with those connections, Mr Noronha, has found building a business in Africa a bumpy experience.
"The biggest challenge is political instability. I may get a permission today to set up a manufacturing unit, and tomorrow the government or the

health minister may resign. One has to be ready for any kind of eventuality," he says.

He also says that personal safety is a consideration.

"Security is another big concern. murder and kidnapping are common in Africa. We Indians have to be very careful," he says.
Broadly, Indian healthcare firms have a good reputation in Africa, but that hard won image has recently suffered significant damage.

Police in The Gambia are investigating the deaths of 66 children, which have been linked to four brands of imported Indian cough syrup.

In October, the World Health Organization (WHO) issued a global alert over the cough syrups - warning they could be linked to acute kidney injuries and the children's deaths in July, August and September.

"The Gambia incident is an aberration and we should feel bad about it," says Udaya Bhaskar, director general of Pharmexcil, which promotes the export of Indian pharmaceuticals.

"This incident will certainly be a dent in our exports and the image of Indian pharma," he says.

But he thinks the reputational damage will be short-lived.

"The important factor is that Africa is very dependent on other countries and India produces very good quality medicine, so the Gambia impact will be short-term."

Back in Nairobi, Dr Mativo says the problem is the lack of testing facilities in Africa.

"The Gambia incident is sad. The biggest problem is we are not financially strong, nor do we have facilities which can check the standards of medicine supplied to us."

He would like to see more products produced locally.
"In Africa most of the population cannot afford branded medicine... what we need is training and setting up manufacturing units in Africa."