India-US Relations

2+2 will show India-US ties healthy: US official​

Washington: While both India and the US approach the Ukraine crisis from “different perspectives”, the two also have convergences on the issue, and the US would like India to use its leverage to support a peaceful resolution, Donald Lu, the top American official dealing with South Asia in the US State Department, has said.

He said the key is for the US to show it can offer a more valuable partnership and for India to see greater value in working with the US. The US also sees India as not just a partner but a leader of Quad in key areas; it believes that China has not shown good faith in border negotiations with India, and is confident that the upcoming 2+2 dialogue will show that the bilateral India-US relationship is “very healthy and moving forward”.

In an interview with Hindustan Times, Lu, the US assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asia, said that the US was looking forward to partner with defence minister Rajnath Singh and external affairs minister S Jaishankar to deepen the “diplomatic and security cooperation” at the 2+2 dialogue, scheduled for April 11. “I am hoping we will be able to announce some new initiatives and concrete progress on space cooperation, higher education collaboration, building our collective defence capabilities, coordination on maritime domain awareness, and cultural property protection.”

Lu refused to get drawn into the controversy about Imran Khan’s direct allegation of a US conspiracy to oust him and indirect hints that during a conversation with the outgoing Pakistani ambassador to the US, Lu warned Pakistan of consequences if Khan survived in power, and said: “We are following developments in Pakistan and we respect and support Pakistan’s constitutional process and the rule of law.”

Lu, who recently returned from India after participating in foreign office consultations with under-secretary of state for political affairs Victoria Nuland, said that it was “no secret” that India and the US came at the Ukraine crisis from different perspectives. “That’s all the more reason that we, as strategic partners, should have good communication and good discussions at every level to both explain our positions, but also to look for places of convergence where we can work together. Both the United States and India are in favour of a ceasefire and of a diplomatic resolution of this crisis. We have urged India to use its leverage to support a peaceful resolution. Similarly, both the US and India are supporting humanitarian assistance for the Ukrainian people. That’s, I think, a real place for potential coordination and collaboration.”

He said Nuland, who led the US delegation during the talks with foreign secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla, was one of the US State Department’s key experts on Russia. “And we are really pleased that we could offer our leading Russia expert to have serious and deep conversations with her Indian counterparts during this important moment in history.”

When asked about US deputy national security adviser Daleep Singh’s comments on possible consequences if India sought to circumvent sanctions, Lu said: “Let me put it this way. There is the possibility that Russia will try to use many countries to evade sanctions, both American sanctions and other sanctions. And I think it’s important that we have a conversation about how that might be, so that India is very clear in its mind what some of these tactics are. But what I really want to say is it’s important for us, the United States, to show that our relationship with India is going to be the more valuable relationship, and for India to see value in working with us.”

Asked to elaborate on Nuland’s offer to deepen India-US defence cooperation to offset Indian dependence on Russia, Lu said that the US had shared its assessment with India that it would be difficult in the months and years ahead to get reliable military supplies from Russia due to sanctions, unavailability of key components of Russian military systems, and Russia rebuilding its own military stock because it had expended so many of its resources in the conflict. “The US supports many partners in identifying military resources around the world, and we are ready to work with India.”

On Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to India, and Beijing’s military assertiveness coupled with diplomatic outreach, Lu said that the US supported a diplomatic resolution of the disputed border, and was glad that India and China were talking, but had seen “little evidence” that China was negotiating with goodwill. Recalling that the US condemned Chinese aggression in the Galwan Valley in 2020 and had “provided support to India to reinforce its ability to deter Chinese aggression”, he said: “The best way to guarantee peace along the Line of Actual Control is for India to be strong and capable of defending its territorial integrity from PRC aggression.”

The US official, who participated in an official-level Quad meeting on Wednesday, said that India was not just a “great Quad partner”, but “a leader in many aspects of Quad cooperation”, including humanitarian relief and disaster response capability, Covid-19 vaccine production, and higher education.

Lu also put forth a robust defence of the Indian democracy, saying that, as American diplomats, it was important for them to be humble about their own democracy as the US had faced real challenges at home and was continuing to improve its own democracy: “I have had the pleasure of working all over the world. I can say, honestly, India is the most democratic place I have served. And it’s a strong democracy not because of politicians or parties. It’s a strong democracy because of political traditions, strong democratic institutions like its independent judiciary, its free press and its robust civil society. And, of course, because the people of India, who participate robustly in India’s democracy and civil society, are committed to the principle of democracy. India certainly has areas to work on, just like all of us, but I am a believer in the strength of Indian democracy.”

With Sri Lanka imposing an emergency in the midst of an unprecedented economic crisis, Lu emphasised that all of Sri Lanka’s friends must come together to support it at a time of economic challenges, and said: “We support the courageous decision of the government to work with the IMF on a debt sustainability programme. The government has certainly taken some questionable loans from the PRC in the past, but we are hoping that, going forward, we can support a diversification of sources of credit and investment. India, the United States, Europe, Japan, Korea, Australia, all of us could be big parts of that diversification.”

On whether the Sri Lankan experience was a cautionary lesson to other countries on China’s economic practices, Lu said that there are many places in the world where people could draw lessons about the way that Chinese did business. “I would just say it would be success in my mind as an American diplomat, if China would begin to do business like the rest of the world does and begin to operate by the same rules and expectations. And I hope that we are helping in that process.”

Lu reiterated the international community’s redlines with regard to the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. “The international community is united in pushing the Taliban to fulfill its counterterrorism commitments, respect for the rights of its citizens, including women, girls, and minorities, and to assemble a government that is truly representative of the diversity and strength of the people of Afghanistan.”

Responding to a question on whether the US’s ties with the Bangladesh government were fragile due to sanctions it had imposed on the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and ran the risk of alienating a regime which was seen as fighting Islamism, Lu — who had also travelled to Dhaka — said they had “very constructive conversations” in Bangladesh about the economic partnership, cooperation on development and institution-building, and concerns about the RAB.

“I would note that there have been no reports over the last four months of extra-judicial killings or forced disappearances in Bangladesh. That progress is real and its tangible, and we hope it continues and that the government will hold those accused of extra-judicial killings accountable under the law. If it does, it will help us to deepen our economic and security partnership. We continue to work closely with the Bangladesh national police on counterterrorism and counter-trafficking.”
 
“What weapons platforms could we offer through the foreign military sales program that would incentivise rush — Indian leaders to reject Putin and align with its natural allies of democracy?” he asked.

Virginia class sub, USAF-NGAD and hypersonic weapons. The Russians are offering their equivalents of such weapons.
 
  • Like
Reactions: Lolwa
“What weapons platforms could we offer through the foreign military sales program that would incentivise rush — Indian leaders to reject Putin and align with its natural allies of democracy?” he asked.

Virginia class sub, USAF-NGAD and hypersonic weapons. The Russians are offering their equivalents of such weapons.
Let me add more to the shopping cart.
ATACMS, mk54 vls, sm/pac series, aegis ashore, Nimitz class carriers. Allow all indian bought American aircrafts to comply with indian modifications with no american oversight. King stallion helos, JASSM-ER and joint production of hardware in India apart from assistance in nuclear and submarine propulsion.
 
Let me add more to the shopping cart.
ATACMS, mk54 vls, sm/pac series, aegis ashore, Nimitz class carriers. Allow all indian bought American aircrafts to comply with indian modifications with no american oversight. King stallion helos, JASSM-ER and joint production of hardware in India apart from assistance in nuclear and submarine propulsion.

Assistance in sub and carrier R&D would be helpful, but we don't need everything else you mentioned since we have our own programs.
 

Chandigarh: Other than tackle the burning issue of Russia’s ongoing military campaign in Ukraine, the ‘2+2’ ministerial dialogue between the Indian and US defence and foreign ministers in Washington early next week is expected to see the two sides fast-track New Delhi’s deferred $3 billion purchase of multi-mission armed unmanned aerial vehicles.​
Security sources have told The Wire that the April 11 meeting between Rajnath Singh and S. Jaishankar and their US counterparts Lloyd Austin and Antony Blinken is expected to progress the acquisition of 30 General Atomics-Aeronautics Systems Incorporated MQ-9B Reaper/Sea Guardian unmanned aerial vehicles – 10 for each of the three services – via the US Foreign Military Sales route.​
“The high costs involved in the long-endurance MQ-9B unmanned aerial vehicles purchase is the principal handicap in clinching the deal, and the discussions in Washington next week are likely to focus on that aspect,” says retired Brigadier Rahul Bhonsle of the Security Risks Consultancy Group in Delhi.​
Other technical and operational details of the Indian Navy-led unmanned aerial vehicles procurement have already been finalised over the past two years, he adds.​
Major issues to be on the table
Earlier, in late 2020, the Indian Navy had leased two non-weaponised Sea Guardian unmanned aerial vehicles to monitor the Indian Ocean Region from Indian Naval Air Station INS Rajali in Tamil Nadu. With an endurance of over 30 hours, the two maritime variants of the armed Predator-B supplemented surveillance operations conducted over the Indian Ocean Region by the Indian Navy’s Boeing P-8I Neptune long-range maritime multi-mission fleet, that too is based at Rajali.​
The two unmanned aerial vehicles were the first lot of military equipment that India had leased under the new provisions incorporated in the Defence Acquisition Procedure-2020 manual.​
Alongside, the potential purchase by the Indian Navy of Boeing F/A-18 Block III ‘Super Hornet’ fighters for employment aboard, its indigenously designed and built 37, 500-tonne short take-off barrier arrested recovery aircraft carrier – scheduled for commissioning as INS Vikrant on Independence Day in August 2022 – is also expected to feature in next week’s 2+2 meet, the fourth such conclave since 2018.​
The Indian Navy has a long-pending requirement for 57 multi-role carrier-borne fighters – a number which could be pared down to 36-odd platforms due to budgetary constraints – and consequently two F-18s are expected to imminently conduct a series of operational demonstrations at the shore-based test facility (SBTF) at INS Hansa in Goa. The SBTF’s 283m mock-up ski jump facility resembles the deck of an aircraft carrier and was also where Dassault’s two Rafale-Maritime (M) fighters displayed their capabilities earlier this year, as a possible rival to the F-18 in meeting the Navy’s eventual requirements.​
At present, the Indian Navy operates two squadrons of 44 Russian MiG29K/KUB deck-based fighters that comprise the air arm of INS Vikramaditya (ex-Admiral Gorshkov), the Navy’s sole 44,750 tonne refurbished Kiev-class carrier. But these fighters are facing maintainability, availability and spare parts problems, industry sources say and need possible supplementation and subsequent replacement.​
Official sources say that other than the MQ-9B UAVs and the F-18s, the “hugely sensitive” issue of invoking Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) on India over its procurement of five Russian Almaz-Antey S-400 Triumf self-propelled surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems too would doubtlessly feature in the 2+2 Dialogue.​
The US has already effected CAATSA against Turkey and China in 2018 and 2020 respectively for installing their respective S-400s. With India deploying an analogous Russian SAM system earlier this year, it too was susceptible to embargoes. But as the US’ close strategic and military ally, India is hopeful of a CAATSA bypass, which can be granted by President Joe Biden under the Act’s “modified waiver authority” for “certain sanctionable transactions”.​
Changed scenario
The transfer of diverse other materiel to India will also be high on the 2+2’s agenda following Washington’s repeated calls over the past three years for Delhi to reduce its extraordinary dependence on Russian defence equipment.​
In recent weeks, the Ukrainian invasion has only raised Washington’s pitch to a frenzy to try and wean India off Russian materiel and lure it into its own domestic military-industrial complex, which senses a lucrative opportunity to enrich itself. Over 60% of India’s in-service defence equipment in all three services is of Soviet or Russian origin, which under harsh US-led sanctions faces severe problems in sourcing spares and ancillary equipment to remain operational.​
“By severely sanctioning Russia’s arms industry, for which Delhi is the principal customer, the US is hoping to close it down and take up the slack with regard to India’s defence needs which remain substantial,” says Amit Cowshish, former Ministry of Defence (MoD) acquisitions advisor. “It’s a well-calculated move by Washington that has potentially lucrative spinoffs for US armament companies for decades in direct sales or in technology transfers.”​
Potential problems with the US defence procurements
But despite the $20-odd billion worth of platforms like P-8Is, C-17 Globemaster IIIs and C-130J-30 Super Hercules transports, AH-64E Apache and CH-47F Chinook attack and heavy-lift helicopters, which India had acquired from 2002 onwards, there is an inherent inhibition in these procurements: it forecloses the possibility of India’s military pursuing its long-established and hugely accomplished, and at times, resort to jugaad (‘make do’) with regard to equipment.​
Entirely feasible on Soviet or Russian platforms and equipment – at times even welcomed and with no restrictions whatsoever – the attitude of jugaad has not only provided India’s military flexibility in operating its kit but also ably rendered foreign equipment wholly serviceable in climatic extremes and assorted terrain and for varied operational deployments.​
But the US protocols like the End Use Monitoring Agreement (EUMA), agreed upon in 2009 after much wrangling and extended negotiation, proscribes India from retrofitting and adapting military equipment to its needs without the Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) consent and participation for the entire duration of its service, which in the US’s case, has almost never ever been permitted.
With the 80-odd countries with which Washington has concluded the EUMA, it has reportedly made an exception only a handful of times, once by allowing the Israel Air Force to incorporate locally developed sensors and weapons onto Lockheed Martin F-16’s supplied to Tel Aviv and subsequently with regard to some systems aboard Lockheed Martin’s F-35 Lightening II fifth generation fighters supplied recently to the Israel Air Force.​
Besides, all US military purchases by India under the Foreign Military Sales programme have been concluded under the stricter ‘Golden Sentry’ EUMA, which governs the physical verification of the equipment and its eventual disposal. This protocol is far stricter than the less stringent ‘Blue Lantern’ EUMA which directs the direct commercial sale of US materiel worldwide.
And though the Congress Party-led United Progressive Alliance government had then obliquely claimed success in concluding the EUMA on Indian terms, by securing the concession that the time and location of the US equipment’s verification process would be determined by Delhi, it had deftly avoided all mention of life-long and costly reliance on OEMs to keep the US equipment in service.​
Be that as it may, military officers say such foreclosure on the US defence gear supplied to India prohibits “amazing and efficient implementation of jugaad” that has been elevated to sophisticated levels. Generations of military officers concede that jugaad not only ensures that imported weapon systems perform well above their declared operational potential but also render a range of platforms and ordnance not only highly serviceable and effective, but in some instances even deadly.​
These include the fleet of Chetak’s and Cheetah’s – principally Alouette IIIs and SA-315B Lama’s – rendered capable after jugaad of operating almost daily for decades at heights of over 14,000 feet in the Siachen glacier region and corresponding elevations, a feat their French OEMs could never ever have imagined possible.​
Besides, some 100-odd MiG-21 ‘Bis’ ground attack fighters were effectively upgraded in the late 1990s with Russian collaboration by innovatively equipping them with French, Israeli, locally developed and commercial – off-the-shelf weapons, sensors and electronic warfare systems. The fleet of ground attack Anglo-French SEPECAT Jaguar’s too had been successfully retrofitted, provided with mid-air refuelling capability, amongst other systems, supplied by vendors other than their OEM.​
Even the frontline Russian Sukhoi Su-30MkI multi-role fighters, which comprise the backbone of the Indian Air Force’s (IAF’s) combat squadrons, had local and other-than-Russian force multipliers fitted on board, increasing their lethality. And during the 1999 Kargil conflict, the IAF had ably equipped its Mirage 2000Hs with indigenous 1,000-lb precision-guided munitions, delivering them with devastating effect on Pakistani army bunkers in the Himalayas. Even the Dassault Rafale fighters, the IAF’s most recent buy, were fitted with Israeli helmet-mounted displays as part of the platforms 13 India Specific Enhancements in a somewhat more sophisticated version of jugaad.​
Alongside, the Indian Army’s Soviet and Russian T72M1 and T 90S main battle tanks, 130mm M46 field guns and BMP-1/2 infantry combat vehicles, in addition to numerous naval assets had all been innovatively and effectively adapted through jugaad with their efficiency, operability and life span greatly enhanced.​
But, under the EUMA, India’s military will have to forego this functional option to retrofit US-supplied equipment which, for the duration of its service would exclusively remain the OEMs responsibility to maintain, service and overhaul. This Agreement also irrevocably prevents India from getting US-origin defence equipment serviced by any other country or acquiring spares from other sources.
“Such cradle-to-grave restrictions provide Washington continuing leverage over the equipment recipient country,” says a two-star Indian Navy officer. “Such leverage,” he adds, “which is not the case with Russian equipment, has the inherent possibility of ensuring that the recipient country cooperates with Washington on US-centric strategic, political and diplomatic goals.”
Such a state of affairs would also firmly cement the “with-us-or-against-us” proclivity that Rambo-like the US is so fond of mouthing and one which will, no doubt, be in evidence at the 2+2 meet, though unsubtly sheathed in a velvet glove.
 
  • Like
Reactions: Amarante

Chandigarh: Other than tackle the burning issue of Russia’s ongoing military campaign in Ukraine, the ‘2+2’ ministerial dialogue between the Indian and US defence and foreign ministers in Washington early next week is expected to see the two sides fast-track New Delhi’s deferred $3 billion purchase of multi-mission armed unmanned aerial vehicles.​
Security sources have told The Wire that the April 11 meeting between Rajnath Singh and S. Jaishankar and their US counterparts Lloyd Austin and Antony Blinken is expected to progress the acquisition of 30 General Atomics-Aeronautics Systems Incorporated MQ-9B Reaper/Sea Guardian unmanned aerial vehicles – 10 for each of the three services – via the US Foreign Military Sales route.​
“The high costs involved in the long-endurance MQ-9B unmanned aerial vehicles purchase is the principal handicap in clinching the deal, and the discussions in Washington next week are likely to focus on that aspect,” says retired Brigadier Rahul Bhonsle of the Security Risks Consultancy Group in Delhi.​
Other technical and operational details of the Indian Navy-led unmanned aerial vehicles procurement have already been finalised over the past two years, he adds.​
Major issues to be on the table
Earlier, in late 2020, the Indian Navy had leased two non-weaponised Sea Guardian unmanned aerial vehicles to monitor the Indian Ocean Region from Indian Naval Air Station INS Rajali in Tamil Nadu. With an endurance of over 30 hours, the two maritime variants of the armed Predator-B supplemented surveillance operations conducted over the Indian Ocean Region by the Indian Navy’s Boeing P-8I Neptune long-range maritime multi-mission fleet, that too is based at Rajali.​
The two unmanned aerial vehicles were the first lot of military equipment that India had leased under the new provisions incorporated in the Defence Acquisition Procedure-2020 manual.​
Alongside, the potential purchase by the Indian Navy of Boeing F/A-18 Block III ‘Super Hornet’ fighters for employment aboard, its indigenously designed and built 37, 500-tonne short take-off barrier arrested recovery aircraft carrier – scheduled for commissioning as INS Vikrant on Independence Day in August 2022 – is also expected to feature in next week’s 2+2 meet, the fourth such conclave since 2018.​
The Indian Navy has a long-pending requirement for 57 multi-role carrier-borne fighters – a number which could be pared down to 36-odd platforms due to budgetary constraints – and consequently two F-18s are expected to imminently conduct a series of operational demonstrations at the shore-based test facility (SBTF) at INS Hansa in Goa. The SBTF’s 283m mock-up ski jump facility resembles the deck of an aircraft carrier and was also where Dassault’s two Rafale-Maritime (M) fighters displayed their capabilities earlier this year, as a possible rival to the F-18 in meeting the Navy’s eventual requirements.​
At present, the Indian Navy operates two squadrons of 44 Russian MiG29K/KUB deck-based fighters that comprise the air arm of INS Vikramaditya (ex-Admiral Gorshkov), the Navy’s sole 44,750 tonne refurbished Kiev-class carrier. But these fighters are facing maintainability, availability and spare parts problems, industry sources say and need possible supplementation and subsequent replacement.​
Official sources say that other than the MQ-9B UAVs and the F-18s, the “hugely sensitive” issue of invoking Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) on India over its procurement of five Russian Almaz-Antey S-400 Triumf self-propelled surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems too would doubtlessly feature in the 2+2 Dialogue.​
The US has already effected CAATSA against Turkey and China in 2018 and 2020 respectively for installing their respective S-400s. With India deploying an analogous Russian SAM system earlier this year, it too was susceptible to embargoes. But as the US’ close strategic and military ally, India is hopeful of a CAATSA bypass, which can be granted by President Joe Biden under the Act’s “modified waiver authority” for “certain sanctionable transactions”.​
Changed scenario
The transfer of diverse other materiel to India will also be high on the 2+2’s agenda following Washington’s repeated calls over the past three years for Delhi to reduce its extraordinary dependence on Russian defence equipment.​
In recent weeks, the Ukrainian invasion has only raised Washington’s pitch to a frenzy to try and wean India off Russian materiel and lure it into its own domestic military-industrial complex, which senses a lucrative opportunity to enrich itself. Over 60% of India’s in-service defence equipment in all three services is of Soviet or Russian origin, which under harsh US-led sanctions faces severe problems in sourcing spares and ancillary equipment to remain operational.​
“By severely sanctioning Russia’s arms industry, for which Delhi is the principal customer, the US is hoping to close it down and take up the slack with regard to India’s defence needs which remain substantial,” says Amit Cowshish, former Ministry of Defence (MoD) acquisitions advisor. “It’s a well-calculated move by Washington that has potentially lucrative spinoffs for US armament companies for decades in direct sales or in technology transfers.”​
Potential problems with the US defence procurements
But despite the $20-odd billion worth of platforms like P-8Is, C-17 Globemaster IIIs and C-130J-30 Super Hercules transports, AH-64E Apache and CH-47F Chinook attack and heavy-lift helicopters, which India had acquired from 2002 onwards, there is an inherent inhibition in these procurements: it forecloses the possibility of India’s military pursuing its long-established and hugely accomplished, and at times, resort to jugaad (‘make do’) with regard to equipment.​
Entirely feasible on Soviet or Russian platforms and equipment – at times even welcomed and with no restrictions whatsoever – the attitude of jugaad has not only provided India’s military flexibility in operating its kit but also ably rendered foreign equipment wholly serviceable in climatic extremes and assorted terrain and for varied operational deployments.​
But the US protocols like the End Use Monitoring Agreement (EUMA), agreed upon in 2009 after much wrangling and extended negotiation, proscribes India from retrofitting and adapting military equipment to its needs without the Original Equipment Manufacturers (OEMs) consent and participation for the entire duration of its service, which in the US’s case, has almost never ever been permitted.
With the 80-odd countries with which Washington has concluded the EUMA, it has reportedly made an exception only a handful of times, once by allowing the Israel Air Force to incorporate locally developed sensors and weapons onto Lockheed Martin F-16’s supplied to Tel Aviv and subsequently with regard to some systems aboard Lockheed Martin’s F-35 Lightening II fifth generation fighters supplied recently to the Israel Air Force.​
Besides, all US military purchases by India under the Foreign Military Sales programme have been concluded under the stricter ‘Golden Sentry’ EUMA, which governs the physical verification of the equipment and its eventual disposal. This protocol is far stricter than the less stringent ‘Blue Lantern’ EUMA which directs the direct commercial sale of US materiel worldwide.
And though the Congress Party-led United Progressive Alliance government had then obliquely claimed success in concluding the EUMA on Indian terms, by securing the concession that the time and location of the US equipment’s verification process would be determined by Delhi, it had deftly avoided all mention of life-long and costly reliance on OEMs to keep the US equipment in service.​
Be that as it may, military officers say such foreclosure on the US defence gear supplied to India prohibits “amazing and efficient implementation of jugaad” that has been elevated to sophisticated levels. Generations of military officers concede that jugaad not only ensures that imported weapon systems perform well above their declared operational potential but also render a range of platforms and ordnance not only highly serviceable and effective, but in some instances even deadly.​
These include the fleet of Chetak’s and Cheetah’s – principally Alouette IIIs and SA-315B Lama’s – rendered capable after jugaad of operating almost daily for decades at heights of over 14,000 feet in the Siachen glacier region and corresponding elevations, a feat their French OEMs could never ever have imagined possible.​
Besides, some 100-odd MiG-21 ‘Bis’ ground attack fighters were effectively upgraded in the late 1990s with Russian collaboration by innovatively equipping them with French, Israeli, locally developed and commercial – off-the-shelf weapons, sensors and electronic warfare systems. The fleet of ground attack Anglo-French SEPECAT Jaguar’s too had been successfully retrofitted, provided with mid-air refuelling capability, amongst other systems, supplied by vendors other than their OEM.​
Even the frontline Russian Sukhoi Su-30MkI multi-role fighters, which comprise the backbone of the Indian Air Force’s (IAF’s) combat squadrons, had local and other-than-Russian force multipliers fitted on board, increasing their lethality. And during the 1999 Kargil conflict, the IAF had ably equipped its Mirage 2000Hs with indigenous 1,000-lb precision-guided munitions, delivering them with devastating effect on Pakistani army bunkers in the Himalayas. Even the Dassault Rafale fighters, the IAF’s most recent buy, were fitted with Israeli helmet-mounted displays as part of the platforms 13 India Specific Enhancements in a somewhat more sophisticated version of jugaad.​
Alongside, the Indian Army’s Soviet and Russian T72M1 and T 90S main battle tanks, 130mm M46 field guns and BMP-1/2 infantry combat vehicles, in addition to numerous naval assets had all been innovatively and effectively adapted through jugaad with their efficiency, operability and life span greatly enhanced.​
But, under the EUMA, India’s military will have to forego this functional option to retrofit US-supplied equipment which, for the duration of its service would exclusively remain the OEMs responsibility to maintain, service and overhaul. This Agreement also irrevocably prevents India from getting US-origin defence equipment serviced by any other country or acquiring spares from other sources.
“Such cradle-to-grave restrictions provide Washington continuing leverage over the equipment recipient country,” says a two-star Indian Navy officer. “Such leverage,” he adds, “which is not the case with Russian equipment, has the inherent possibility of ensuring that the recipient country cooperates with Washington on US-centric strategic, political and diplomatic goals.”
Such a state of affairs would also firmly cement the “with-us-or-against-us” proclivity that Rambo-like the US is so fond of mouthing and one which will, no doubt, be in evidence at the 2+2 meet, though unsubtly sheathed in a velvet glove.
It's going to be a stormy meet . I don't think the Indian side is going to back down much . After all the Indian people are extremely price sensitive .

In normal times state governments have lost power over as trivial a matter as prices of onions sky rocketing due to crop failure , hoarding , lack of timely imports to stabilize prices & cater to demand , etc & here we're emerging from a pandemic .

Moreover US plans to bring down oil prices by getting major oil producers to increase production have been rebuffed by their oldest allies like KSA & UAE. Venezuela hasn't agreed to play ball & Blinken was in Algeirs a few days ago to persuade the authorities there to comply after offering to lift sanctions imposed on them .

While the US media reported the visit as s success , Algeria yesterday voted along with Russia to prevent it's ouster from the UNHRC .

India is definitely going to point out how it co operated with the US in shutting down imports from Iran & Venezuela at great costs to us apart from damaging our ties with them & if the US expects that we're going to comply with their expectations we do the same with Russia they're talking out of their hats .

This US administration has been singularly inept in it's foreign policy beginning with their disastrous pull out from Afghanistan & now this . Even neighbouring Mexico is openly defying the US with Indonesia expected to host the G-20 summit later this year paying no heed to US asking them not to invite Russia to the summit.

Irish Joe & his team will learn very fast that the world is more than Europe & barring Europe the rest of the world isn't too interested in what's happening in Ukraine caught up as they are in their own issues with wars , civil wars in their own backyard , rising inflation , after effects of COVID on the entire economy , etc seeing this as a white man's war & problem.
 
Last edited:
Is there any probable reason to believe that this happened cuz of yesterday's 2+2? Submission to US pressure or some other reason? @randomradio @RISING SUN



Indian Oil Corp (IOC) has excluded several high-sulphur crude grades, including Russian Urals, from its latest tender, trade sources said on Tuesday.

India's top refiner informed market participants that Das, Eugene Island, Thunder Horse and Urals crude were no longer on the list of grades under its latest tender, which closes on Tuesday, the sources said.
3 others have been excluded : 1 each from the US, Gulf of Mexico & Abu Dhabi. Whether it's a genuine technical issue or something made up is hard to tell. Maybe the situation would be clear in a few days.
 



3 others have been excluded : 1 each from the US, Gulf of Mexico & Abu Dhabi. Whether it's a genuine technical issue or something made up is hard to tell. Maybe the situation would be clear in a few days.
To me it doesn't make sense how this could be made-up considering the straight and to the point statements regarding Russian oil imports given by MEA yesterday and for quite some time now but let's see. Some on social media are saying its cuz of Russia not giving discounts anymore to us and some saying its cuz our need for strategic oil reserves have gotten satisfied for the time being.
 
Is there any probable reason to believe that this happened cuz of yesterday's 2+2? Submission to US pressure or some other reason? @randomradio @RISING SUN
I believe it has more to do with quality/grade of petro product which India rotates between sour & sweet oil which happen due to refinery works. Once immediate needs are met, importers move to next grade & vice versa. Same as difference between Iranian and Arabian oil.
 
  • Like
Reactions: R73 FTW
Is there any probable reason to believe that this happened cuz of yesterday's 2+2? Submission to US pressure or some other reason? @randomradio @RISING SUN
Simply because Russia takes India for granted at each & every place. They're selling very very discounted price oil to those European countries who are badmouthing them day & night and selling the same oil at premium price to Indian refiners! Hence Indian refiners have discontinued the oil purchase from Russian oil producers.
To me it doesn't make sense how this could be made-up considering the straight and to the point statements regarding Russian oil imports given by MEA yesterday and for quite some time now but let's see. Some on social media are saying its cuz of Russia not giving discounts anymore to us and some saying its cuz our need for strategic oil reserves have gotten satisfied for the time being.
Russia didn't give even a single penny discount, rather it charged premium from Indian purchasers. Initially they claimed to give huge discounts to India specifically but when India made the booking, it got charged inflated rate while European were given the discounts which was claimed to be given to Indian purchasers.
 



3 others have been excluded : 1 each from the US, Gulf of Mexico & Abu Dhabi. Whether it's a genuine technical issue or something made up is hard to tell. Maybe the situation would be clear in a few days.
Russians took India for a Gandola ride as always!

Oil traders selling pricey Russian crude chafe Indian refiners​

Indian refiners that are among the few remaining eager buyers of Russian oil are baffled as to why they’re paying nearly full cost for cargoes that are being offered at record discounts in Europe.

Processors in the South Asian nation recently bought millions of barrels of Urals crude via open tenders, with some supplies going at a premium of $1 a barrel to London’s Dated Brent benchmark on a delivered basis, said traders. That compares with discounts of more than $30 a barrel for the same grade in Europe.

Officials at the Indian refineries said they don’t understand why they’re not receiving offers of discounts anywhere near what they’re seeing in Europe when they’ve been vocally supportive of continuing to import Russian crude. The lack of price cuts is especially galling for them as the invasion sent prices to more than $100 a barrel, adding inflationary concerns to the poorest major oil importer.

India is under pressure from allies including the U.S. to stop importing Russian energy to deprive Vladimir Putin of income to keep the economy afloat and fund the invasion of Ukraine. Russia and India have been long-time trade partners in everything from energy to food to weapons.

India’s state refiners usually procure spot crude via open tenders, in which prospective sellers submit their interest along with details on the oil type, volume, price and other offer terms.

The process is aimed at transparency and accountability, but it can be gamed by sellers who have a good sense of what price they need to beat, said refinery officials. Offers for Urals have been just slightly cheaper than other medium-sour grades typically sold to India such as Oman and Upper Zakum, instead of the deep discounts seen offered in Europe, they said.

The seller of many of the spot cargoes was Vitol Group, said the officials, who can’t be named because of company policy. Vitol declined to comment on specific trading activities.

Traders said that anyone who’s able to load Urals at prices near the discounted European offers would be making a profit between $10 and $20 a barrel for sales into India, after taking into account freight, insurance and other costs. Those are staggering profits in an industry where competition usually shaves margins to a few cents a barrel.

In late March, Suezmax tankers with a capacity of 1 million barrels were chartered at the equivalent of near $5 a barrel to transport crude from the Black Sea to India. The backwardated market structure meant the loss of another $4 a barrel during the month-long journey, among other costs. That still adds up to profits of $10 million to $20 million for the shipment, traders estimated.

Little Competition

Just a handful of companies are lifting Urals and selling it in Asia, said Indian refinery officials. This means there’s not a lot of competition, which is needed to drive down offers, they said.

More sellers are entering the market as traders get clarity on the various restrictions and sanctions on Russia and as workarounds emerge. This is beginning to increase the discounts offered to Indian buyers.

Tanker fixtures and port agent reports show that companies such as Vitol, Trafigura Group, Petraco Oil, Glencore PLC, Litasco SA and Gunvor Group continue to load crude from Russian ports, likely via pre-existing contracts entered before Ukraine’s invasion. The cargoes may sail directly to buyers, or undergo what’s known as ship-to-ship transfers onto larger vessels to save on freight costs or for other strategic reasons.

Indian refiners have historically been passive buyers, taking the best price offered to them via tenders, as opposed to setting up separate trading arms. That leaves them without trading units that can scour the global market for the most affordable physical oil grades, and even buy, sell and swap cargoes for profits, like Chinese state-owned refiners do.