India-US Relations

Secretary Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, Indian Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar and Indian Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh Opening Remarks at the U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue​

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, everyone. Minister Jaishankar, Minister Singh, I am honored to be able to host you here at the State Department for the fourth 2+2 U.S.-India foreign and defense ministerial, alongside my friend and colleague the Secretary of Defense, Lloyd Austin.


As President Biden said when he hosted Prime Minister Modi in September of 2021, the relationship between the oldest and biggest democracies in the world is destined to be stronger, closer, more meaningful. And those were sentiments that I believe both the President and Prime Minister reiterated today when they spoke via videoconference.


These 2+2 meetings have already played a key role in strengthening our bilateral relationship. This is the core whole-of-government dialogue in our strategic partnership framework. Today’s discussions will build upon the previous productive meetings that we’ve had.


This is a momentous moment in global affairs, and I think as a result this partnership is even more consequential and more vital. Today we’ll discuss pressing issues, shared global challenges, including Russia’s war against Ukraine, ending the COVID-19 pandemic, the climate crisis, upholding a free, open, democratic, secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region where the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states is assured. We’ll also talk about improving our counterterrorism cooperation and strengthening the bonds between our higher education institutions. So, this covers a wide range of different aspects in our relationship. And I’m also looking forward to talking about our defense and security cooperation in the Indo-Pacific.


Finally, we’ll have an opportunity to sign the Space Situational Awareness Agreement a little bit later today. This is a demonstration of our growing technology partnership which we believe has virtually limitless potential for exploration, for discovery, for achievement, to the benefit of people in both of our countries and indeed around the world.


This year, as has been noted, marks India’s 75th year of independence, 75 years of our own relationship. We look very much forward to continuing to build a stronger future for both of our countries, both of our peoples through our defense and security cooperation, through our deeply connected economies, through our shared values and common bonds, and to do so for many, many decades to come.


With that, it’s a pleasure to turn over the microphone to my friend, Minister Jaishankar.


MINISTER JAISHANKAR: Thank you. My senior colleague, Defense Minister Rajnath Singh-ji, Secretary of State Blinken, Secretary of Defense Austin, it’s a great pleasure to participate in the fourth India-U.S. 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. This morning we have had separate meetings with our State and Defense counterparts respectively. We have of course benefitted from the guidance provided by Prime Minister Modi and President Biden through the virtual summit, at which we were all present.


The 2+2 format is intended to promote a more integrated approach to our partnership, and this has become increasingly relevant as the scope and intensity of our engagement steadily increases. We can truly assert that there’s virtually no domain on which we are not cooperating with each other. The nature of our opportunities and challenges are such that they are more effectively addressed through a cross-cutting dialogue.


As we meet for the fourth time, we can take satisfaction at the extent of progress that we have made, whether it is a $160 billion trade account, our 200,000 students, our highest recorded investment levels, or our rapidly growing energy trade. The yardsticks to measure our growing closeness tell their own story. The defense minister would be similarly highlighting the transformation in that domain.


Our collaboration has grown well beyond its bilateral scope and now has a visible impact on global issues, as well. It could be addressing the COVID challenge, taking climate action, ensuring maritime security, or promoting critical technologies. What India and the U.S. do together will make a difference.


A significant focus of our engagement pertains to the Indo-Pacific. We have seen, particularly over the last year, both an elevation and an intensification of the Quad. Our achievements in this regard have a larger resonance.


Today we will be reviewing all these matters and more. We will also be discussing contemporary developments, including, obviously, Ukraine; also, Afghanistan, the Gulf, and the Indian subcontinent. I thank Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin for receiving us today, and look forward to our talks.


SECRETARY AUSTIN: Okay. Secretary Blinken, Minister Singh, Minister Jaishankar, it is a privilege to be here with you today for the fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. It’s been nearly two decades since we signed our first defense framework, and we’ve built a partnership that is now a cornerstone of security in the Indo-Pacific. Today, we are positioning the U.S. and Indian militaries to operate and coordinate closely together across all domains and increasingly across the wider Indo-Pacific, all in support of the rule of law, freedom of the seas, and regional peace and security.


Those are vital principles, and now, more than ever, democracies must stand together to defend the values that we all share. We all understand the challenges that we face in the Indo-Pacific. The People’s Republic of China is seeking to refashion the region and the international system more broadly in ways that serve its authoritarian interests. But as we operationalize our defense agreements and take our cooperation to the next level, I believe that we can sustain and strengthen a favorable balance of power in the region.


So, I’m looking forward to discussing a range of bilateral defense priorities, including deeper information sharing and industrial cooperation. All this will help to ensure that our militaries are ready to meet any challenge.


Now, a strong U.S.-Indian partnership is a critical building block in a more resilient, regional security architecture, and so today’s 2+2 is an opportunity to discuss ways to strengthen our cooperation with like-minded partners from East and Southeast Asia to Europe and beyond.


So, we’ve got an ambitious agenda today. It reflects our combined vision for our partnership and our shared conviction that we can shape the course of history for the better and preserve a free and open Indo-Pacific at peace with itself and the world.


Ministers, I know that you’ve had a long trip to Washington and thank you for making it here for this important dialogue. I am truly grateful for your vision, your commitment, and your leadership, as we work together to build one of the most consequential partnerships of our time.


Thank you, and I’ll now turn it over to Minister Singh.


MINISTER SINGH: Excellencies; Mr. Antony Blinken; Mr. Lloyd Austin, Secretary of Defense; my esteemed colleague, Dr. Jaishankar-ji; distinguished members of delegations: Thank you, Secretary Blinken and to Secretary Austin, for your (inaudible) in Washington, D.C. India places the highest priority upon the strategic partnership with USA. (Inaudible) and for ensuring peace and sustained economic growth in our region. Major defense partnership is one of the most important pillars of India-U.S. strategic relations.


As the largest country and the center to Indian Ocean, and as a democracy, India has critical roles to play in the Indian Ocean region and in the wider Indo-Pacific following the Act East and the Neighborhood First policy. India played preeminent role in the region, from the tsunami in 2004 and during the COVID pandemic. We have signed eight different defense-related agreements between our two countries in last few years, including a Space Situational Awareness Agreement for unclassified domain, which is being signed today.


Despite the pandemic, India-USA military engagements increased with higher capability in communication, closer information sharing, and enhanced mutual logistic support. This is a reflection of our – the growing depth and scale of our defense partnership.


In a decade, our defense suppliers from USA rose from negligible to a cumulative around of over $20 billion U.S. We look forward to U.S. companies investing in India and support the Make In India program.


We look forward to further enhancing the depth and the scope of our defense cooperation to give effect to our shared vision of a free, open, inclusive, and a rules-bound Indo-Pacific and the Indian Ocean region.


We are working with the U.S. to double up capabilities across conventional and emerging defense domains. We have made good progress in a number of defense cooperation activities since the visit of Secretary Austin to India in March 2021. I look forward to discussing some of these and the way forward. Thank you very much.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you very much, colleagues, and I think we’ll allow our colleagues from the press to exit.

Readout of U.S. - India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue​

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III co-chaired the fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue alongside Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh, and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar, April 11 in Washington, D.C.

During their discussions, the four leaders forged new and deeper cooperation across the breadth of the U.S.-India partnership, including defense, science and technology, trade, climate, public health, and people-to-people ties. Bound by common strategic interests and an abiding commitment to the rules-based international order, they agreed to continue charting an ambitious course in the U.S.-India partnership.

Secretary Austin and his counterparts exchanged views on a range of regional security priorities—spanning the Indian Ocean region to East and Southeast Asia to Europe. They agreed to maintain close consultations on the ongoing crisis in Ukraine, including on humanitarian assistance efforts, and echoed support for an independent investigation into the brutal violence deployed against civilians in Bucha. In support of India’s leading role as a net security provider, the leaders discussed new opportunities to coordinate more closely together to ensure that the United States and India’s shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific region continues to thrive.

As the Indian military emerges as a more jointly integrated force, the 2+2 Ministerial advanced initiatives that will allow the U.S. and Indian militaries to work more seamlessly together across all domains of potential conflict—from the seas to cyberspace. The United States and India finalized major bilateral initiatives on information-sharing, liaison exchanges, and joint service engagements to support high-end, combined operations.

The four leaders committed to deepening cooperation in new defense domains, such as space and cyberspace, as the U.S. and Indian militaries jointly meet the challenges of this century. The United States and India signed a Space Situational Awareness arrangement, which lays the groundwork for more advanced cooperation in space. They also agreed to launch an inaugural Defense Artificial Intelligence Dialogue, while expanding joint cyber training and exercises.

The leaders discussed ways to coordinate more closely with like-minded nations—including Australia, Japan, and European partners—to ensure that our shared principles of the rule of law, freedom of the seas, and respect for the territorial integrity of sovereign states prevail today and far into the future. Today’s 2+2 Ministerial reaffirmed that the United States and India will continue stand shoulder-to-shoulder, rooted in common democratic values, as two pillars of a free and open Indo-Pacific.
 
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You know the direction the wind's blowing has changed when you have a persistent India baiter, especially in the recent past, admit as much

India Considering Repairing U.S. Military Sealift Ships Following 2+2 Dialogue​

The United States and India are weighing the potential to maintain and fix U.S. Military Sealift Command ships in Indian shipyards, the State Department announced this week.


Following a dialogue between Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Tony Blinken and their Indian counterparts, the State Department said the two countries would look at how feasible it is to maintain and repair MSC ships in Indian yards to help the defense industrial base.


“To further enhance defense industrial cooperation in the naval sector, both sides agreed to explore possibilities of utilizing the Indian shipyards for repair and maintenance of ships of the U.S. Maritime Sealift Command (MSC) to support mid-voyage repair of U.S. Naval ships,” according to a State Department announcement.


It’s unclear what this evaluation stage would look like. The Navy did not immediately respond to questions from USNI News.


Sal Mercogliano, a maritime historian at Campbell University, noted Military Sealift Command already maintains ships at yards in other parts of the world.


“MSC currently uses yards in the Middle East and Singapore so India would be an ideal supplement,” Mercogliano told USNI News. “Currently, MSC is dealing with lack of yard availability so the addition of India would be a great advantage for U.S. forces in the Indo-Pacom area.”


During the discussions, the U.S. and India also reiterated the significance of naval exercises like Malabar and Milan, according to the State Department announcement. Malabar is a yearly naval exercise that includes participation from the U.S., Australia, India and Japan – the four countries making up the informal alliance known as “the Quad.” Milan is a biennial naval exercise that India hosts. The U.S. Navy started participating in Milan for the first time this year, according to a service news release.


India and the U.S. will also evaluate how their respective supply chains could collaborate.


“Both sides would explore and further promote the means to encourage reciprocal participation of U.S. and Indian vendors in each other’s defense supply chains. Acknowledging India’s focus on developing its domestic capabilities and helping to ensure reliable defense supplies, the Ministers committed to work closely across their respective governments on co-production, co-development, cooperative testing of advanced systems, investment promotion, and the development of Maintenance Repair and Overhaul (MRO) facilities in India,” according to the State Department announcement.


The decision to evaluate maintaining MSC ships in India comes as the Pentagon continues to emphasize its focus on countering China in the Indo-Pacific. Under the Trump administration, former Navy Secretary Kenneth Braithwaite proposed standing up a U.S. 1st Fleet that could straddle the Indian and Pacific oceans, USNI News reported at the time. That proposal has been stalled since the Biden administration took office, several defense officials have told USNI News.


While India buys weapons systems from Russia, it has also started buying platforms that the U.S. Navy uses. For example, in 2020 India inked a deal to buy 24 of the Sikorsky-built MH-60R helicopters that the U.S. Navy uses for anti-submarine warfare. India also flies the Boeing-built P-8I Poseidon maritime surveillance aircraft.
 
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Joint Statement on the Fourth India-U.S. 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue​

April 12, 2022
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III welcomed Minister of Defence Rajnath Singh and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar to Washington, D.C., on April 11, 2022, for the fourth India-U.S. 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. The Dialogue was preceded by a virtual meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Joseph Biden.

As natural and trusted partners celebrating 75 years of diplomatic relations between the United States and independent India, with a shared commitment to democracy and pluralism, a multifaceted bilateral agenda, and growing convergence of strategic interests, both countries seek to continue to promote a resilient, rules-based international order that safeguards sovereignty and territorial integrity, upholds democratic values, and promotes peace and prosperity for all.

Building upon the September 2021 meeting between President Biden and Prime Minister Modi, and their respective participation in Summits related to COVID-19, climate, infrastructure and supply chain resilience, the Ministers reaffirmed the importance of the India-U.S. Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership to international peace and security.

Global Partnership and Indo-Pacific Cooperation

The Ministers reviewed mutual efforts to respond to the worsening humanitarian crisis in Ukraine and assessed its broader implications. They urged an immediate cessation of hostilities. The Ministers unequivocally condemned civilian deaths. They underscored that the contemporary global order has been built on the UN Charter, respect for international law, and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states.

Recalling the inaugural virtual Quad Leaders’ Summit in March 2021, the in-person Quad Leaders’ Summit in September 2021 in Washington, the February 2022 Quad Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Melbourne, and looking forward to the next Quad Leaders’ Summit in Tokyo in 2022, the Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific in which the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states are respected, and countries are free from military, economic, and political coercion.

They further reaffirmed their dedication to promoting regional stability and prosperity, with an inclusive regional architecture, abiding by the rule of law, the freedom of navigation and overflight, peaceful resolution of disputes, and ASEAN centrality. They also reiterated the importance of adherence to international law to meet challenges to the rules-based order, including in the South China Sea.

The Ministers welcomed the progress made in the last year on developing a positive and constructive agenda for the Quad to deliver peace and prosperity to the region in pursuance of their shared vision for a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. The Ministers reiterated their commitment to the take forward the initiatives announced by the Leaders, to empower the Quad as a force for global good for the Indo-Pacific region and welcomed ongoing discussions in the Quad Working Groups on vaccines, climate change, infrastructure, space, cyber security, and critical and emerging technologies for delivering practical and tangible benefits to the region.

Welcoming the remarkable progress made under the Quad Vaccine Partnership to augment the manufacturing capacity of the Biological E facility in India, supported by the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC), the Ministers committed to expedite delivery of the first batch of vaccines to countries of the Indo-Pacific and beyond and to diversify the basket of vaccines in the context of changes in the global demand and supply landscape.

Following up on the October 2021 virtual meeting of the Foreign Ministers of India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States, the Ministers welcomed the opportunity to enhance engagement in this forum on shared priorities such as food security, clean energy, waste management, and infrastructure development.

The United States congratulated India for its significant contributions as a member of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for the term 2021-2022. In this context, the United States expressed its appreciation for India’s leadership as the Chair of the three Committees of the Security Council: the 1988 Taliban Sanctions Committee, the 1970 Libya Sanctions Committee and the 1373 Counter Terrorism Committee.

The Ministers reiterated their commitment to work together in close coordination at the UNSC and in international organizations. The United States reaffirmed its continued support for India’s permanent membership in a reformed UNSC and for India’s entry to the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group.

Considering growing national security threats from both state and non-state malicious cyber actors, the Ministers recognized the importance of an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable Internet and stable cyberspace. Both sides reaffirmed the 2021 reports of the UN Open Ended Working Group and the UN Group of Governmental Experts, which articulate a framework of responsible state behavior in cyberspace and committed to work together in future multilateral negotiations to encourage States to implement the framework. They confirmed their intent to work closely as part of ongoing efforts to counter the use of information communications technologies for criminal purposes.

Acknowledging India’s distinguished history of leading peacekeeping missions, the United States welcomed India’s commitment to participate in multilateral peacekeeping training in 2022, expand joint-capacity building efforts with third-country partners, and launch a new joint National Investigation Officers Training of Trainers course in partnership with the United Nations.

The Ministers called on the Taliban to abide by UNSC Resolution 2593 (2021), which demands that Afghan territory must never again be used to threaten or attack any country or to shelter or train terrorists, or to plan or finance terrorist attacks. The Ministers urged the Taliban to adhere to these and all other commitments; respect the human rights of all Afghans, including women, children, and members of minority groups; and uphold freedom of travel. They also emphasized the importance of an inclusive Afghan government and unhindered access for the United Nations and its implementing partners to deliver humanitarian assistance. The Ministers recommitted to close consultations on Afghanistan to help facilitate an inclusive and peaceful future for all Afghans.

The Ministers called for the cessation of violence in Myanmar, the release of all those arbitrarily detained, and a swift return to the path of democracy and inclusive governance. They also called for urgent implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus.

The Ministers recalled U.S. and Indian initiatives announced during the first Summit for Democracy and looked forward to further cooperation in the current Year of Action ahead of the next Summit.

Leveraging the recently extended India-U.S. Statement of Guiding Principles on Triangular Cooperation for Global Development, the Ministers called for greater cooperation to address global development challenges around the world, including in Asia and Africa. In this regard, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and India’s Development Partnership Administration (DPA) have decided to expand triangular development activity with third countries. In addition, the Ministers looked forward to continuing discussions on the establishment of the India-U.S. Gandhi-King Development Foundation.

The Ministers welcomed the 2021 Indo-Pacific Business Forum, co-hosted by the United States and India, and convened for the first time in South Asia. They affirmed their interest in expanding efforts to promote sustainable and durable infrastructure across the Indo-Pacific and affirmed they would remain engaged through the Blue Dot Network and Build Back Better World (B3W) Initiative. The United States appreciated the opportunity for USAID to co-chair the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI)’s Governing Council. Both sides reaffirmed plans to collaborate through CDRI in supporting countries most impacted by natural disasters, including those resulting from climate change.

The United States welcomed India’s announcement at COP26 to intensify its climate action including its long-term vision to achieve net-zero emissions by 2070. Both sides looked forward to further cooperation to support negotiations on ocean plastic pollution launched by the UN Environment Assembly (UNEA 5.2) in February 2022. India welcomed the United States’ signing of the Framework Agreement of the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and looked forward to supporting projects to expand the availability of reliable and affordable solar power including the $500 million investment by the DFC in First Solar’s facility to produce solar panels in India.

The United States conveyed its full support to India’s upcoming G20 Presidency from December 2022 to November 2023. In this context, the Ministers reiterated their commitment to work closely on international security, social, and economic issues of global interest and impact.

The Ministers welcomed the March 21, 2022, Foreign Office Consultations, and affirmed that closer regional and multilateral coordination was integral to the bilateral Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership. The Ministers look forward to reconvening the Global Issues Forum to further exchange perspectives on issues of mutual interest.

Mutual Prosperity, Innovation, and Resilient Supply Chains

The Ministers underlined the importance of strengthening the commercial and economic pillar of the India-U.S. partnership to advance economic growth and deliver mutual prosperity for both countries. They applauded the rebound in bilateral trade between the two countries over the last year, surpassing $113 billion in goods. They welcomed the 12th Ministerial-level meeting of the India-U.S. Trade Policy Forum (TPF) and the renewal of Working Group discussions to expand bilateral trade, remove market access barriers, and improve ease of business. They looked forward to both sides developing action plans that identify and prioritize the resolution of specific trade concerns to build on the progress made during the last TPF Ministerial meeting.

The Ministers reiterated the importance of a transparent and predictable business environment to facilitate private-sector investment. They looked forward to reconvening the India-U.S. Commercial Dialogue and the CEO Forum this year to enhance economic cooperation, boost commercial ties, and develop private-sector recommendations for both governments. The Ministers appreciated the discussions held during the eighth ministerial-level India-U.S. Economic and Financial Partnership meeting in October 2021, which focused on continued cooperation on a range of subjects including financial regulatory and technical collaboration, multilateral engagement, climate finance, and anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism. The United States appreciated recent economic reform initiatives in India, which help improve the ease of doing business, and efforts to accelerate the start-up and innovation sector.

The Ministers reaffirmed the vital role of secure, resilient, reliable, and diverse supply chains for Critical and Emerging Technologies (CET), and the need to enable regional and global innovation. The Ministers decided to put in place a framework to advance cooperation in CET such as advanced communication technology, artificial intelligence, quantum science, STEM, semi-conductors and biotechnology.

The Ministers noted the substantial progress in negotiations for an Investment Incentive Agreement (IIA) between the Governments of India and the United States, which provides a framework for DFC to continue to expand its investment in India – for private sector-led projects in critical areas such as renewable energy, agriculture, healthcare, and SME financing. The Ministers encouraged negotiators to resolve remaining issues so that the IIA may be concluded as soon as possible.

Climate, Environment, and Clean Energy

The Ministers commended ongoing engagement under the two main tracks of the India-U.S. Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership – the Climate Action and Finance Mobilization Dialogue (CAFMD) and the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP) – to explore and identify low carbon pathways to develop and undertake joint research and development projects, mobilize finance, develop and promote green technologies, and enhance technical collaboration aimed at building on complementarities for facilitating energy transition. To this end, the Ministers affirmed the intent to work together for the exchange of best practices and development of technology transfer to enable the affordable deployment of clean and emerging energy technologies, including commercialization and scaling up of battery storage, offshore wind, green hydrogen, and rooftop solar technology in India.

Both sides welcomed the expanding cooperation between the energy sectors of both countries. Recognizing that access to energy must be affordable and reliable, they committed to work together bilaterally and at the global level towards these objectives. Noting that volatility in energy markets could threaten orderly and predictable global energy transition they welcomed initiatives taken by both countries to stabilize prices, including through the coordinated release from strategic petroleum reserves.

The Ministers expressed satisfaction on the progress made on different collaborative initiatives under the India-U.S. Civil Nuclear Energy Working Group and the Global Centre for Nuclear Energy Partnership Joint Working Group. The Ministers noted ongoing negotiations between the Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited (NPCIL) and Westinghouse Electric Company (WEC) for the construction of six nuclear reactors in India. They welcomed progress through consultations between the U.S. Department of Energy and India’s Department of Atomic Energy for facilitating opportunities for WEC to develop a techno-commercial offer for the Kovvada nuclear project. They also noted the ongoing discussion on developing next generation small modular reactor technologies in a collaborative mode for the domestic market as well as for export.

The Ministers also recognized the efforts of USAID and other U.S. agencies to support and augment production of clean and accessible energy and engage with private sector through its initiatives such as South Asia Regional Energy Partnership, Flexible Resources Initiative, and Smart Grid Knowledge Center.

Science, Technology, Cybersecurity, and Space

Reflecting on the positive science and technology cooperation between the two countries, the Ministers welcomed the announcement of a Joint Commission Meeting on Science and Technology in 2022, to discuss future science and technology collaboration.

The Ministers applauded the recent and upcoming meetings of the India-U.S. Cyber Dialogue and the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) Working Group to deepen cybersecurity cooperation. They strongly condemned ransomware and other cyber-related crimes and recognized the need to bolster protection of critical networks and infrastructure.

Recalling their countries’ strong tradition of space exploration and endeavors, the Ministers announced the conclusion of a Memorandum of Understanding on Space Situational Awareness and pledged to expand bilateral space cooperation, acknowledging the pivotal role international cooperation plays in the long-term sustainability and safety of the outer-space environment. They applauded the ongoing development of the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) satellite, planned for launch from India in 2023. The NISAR mission will collect data vital to tackling the climate crisis. The Ministers also looked forward to the convening of the next India-U.S. Civil Space Joint Working Group in 2022.

The Ministers expressed appreciation for the continued cooperation between the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) and India’s Ministry of Earth Science (MoES) and ISRO in areas such as ocean and fisheries science, meteorology, and earth observation to better understand climate change and save lives through improved weather and ocean modeling and information sharing. In support of climate and disaster resilience goals, the United States and India are driving advancements in climate and monsoon prediction and forecasting through collaborative work in the Indian Ocean. As part of that work, MoES recently launched a joint data portal providing near-real-time public data from the NOAA Research Moored Array for African-Asian-Australian Monsoon Analysis and Prediction (RAMA) and the MoES Ocean Moored Buoy Network for the Northern Indian Ocean (OMNI). The data supports improved monsoon prediction capabilities and sub-seasonal weather forecasting including for the United States, whose weather and atmosphere are impacted by systems that develop in the Indian Ocean. The Ministers also welcomed expansion of collaboration between NOAA and MoES under EKAMSAT program (Enhancing Knowledge of the Arabian Sea Marine Environment through Science and Advanced Technology).

Global Health

The Ministers recognized the pivotal role of the India-U.S. partnership in combating the COVID-19 pandemic and other contemporary global health challenges. They welcomed joint India-U.S. leadership under the COVID-19 Global Action Plan to get shots in arms, diversify and secure global supply chains, build capacity for health care workers, and scientific cooperation. They appreciated India-U.S. collaboration in vaccine R&D and production including the Janssen and Corbevax vaccines being manufactured by Biological E., and the Novovax vaccines by Serum Institute of India, and expressed appreciation that due to efforts to increase manufacturing, safe, effective, and affordable COVID vaccines are readily available to third countries, further strengthening global vaccination efforts. The Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to facilitate joint research and information sharing, and work together to address barriers to pandemic-related vaccines and medical production so that global supply chains for vaccines are more resilient, stable, and predictable.

Recalling the recent India-U.S. Health Dialogue, the Ministers commended our ongoing collaboration on biomedical research, strengthening regulatory procedures and pandemic preparedness. The Ministers welcomed the signing of an overarching Memorandum of Understanding between India’s Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MoHFW) and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) to work together to strengthen public health preparedness and response by expanding training on disease surveillance, improve response to and containment of outbreaks, strengthen laboratory networks and diagnostics, enhance pan-respiratory disease surveillance, develop sub-national emergency operation centers, and integrate a "One Health” approach into all public health initiatives.

The Ministers welcomed the renewal of our joint commitment to undertake collaborative research on infectious diseases of global health significance and conclude a Memorandum of Understanding to continue joint support for an Indo-U.S. International Centre for Excellence in Research between the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) of National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR).

The Ministers also welcomed the launch of ICMR-NIH Clinical Research Fellowship program, under which clinicians from both sides can come to conduct research in laboratories in India and the United States. The Ministers welcomed a new regulatory partnership in furtherance of shrimp safety between the Food and Drug Administration and Marine Product Export Development Authority (MPEDA), and reaffirmed plans to finalize a Memorandum of Understanding to undertake further research on diabetes between the U.S. National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases and ICMR.

The Ministers looked forward to expansion of the USAID-supported COVID-19 Learning Exchange virtual platform, to include programs for more population groups and allow cities and health officials to share best practices to improve routine immunization, strengthen urban health, and launch an interactive web-based platform to enhance knowledge management and operational reach.

Defense and Security

The Ministers commended the significant and continuing progress in the India-U.S. Major Defense Partnership. Drawing on the momentum from the India-U.S. Defense Policy Group meeting in October 2021, they reaffirmed their ambitions for building an advanced and comprehensive defense partnership in which the U.S. and Indian militaries coordinate closely together across all domains.

The Ministers acknowledged the importance of deepening collaboration in science and technology in the India-U.S. Joint Technical Group (JTG), and in evolving new defense domains, including space, artificial intelligence (AI), and cyber. The Ministers underscored the importance of cooperation in space and welcomed plans to conduct an inaugural Defense Space Dialogue in 2022. They welcomed the second Defense Cyber Dialogue held in 2021 and look forward to the next round this year. They decided to hold an inaugural AI Dialogue this year to harness opportunities for joint innovation and cooperation in new domains. The Ministers also discussed additional training opportunities for our respective militaries, and the United States welcomed enhanced Indian participation in advanced courses across these emerging domains.

As information-sharing forms an important pillar of the India-U.S. defense cooperation, the Ministers underlined the importance of building a comprehensive framework under which our militaries are equipped to exchange information in real time across domains. The Ministers welcomed progress made toward full implementation of the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) to support the exchange of geospatial information. The Ministers noted that information exchange and placement of liaison officers in each other’s military organizations will spur joint service cooperation between our militaries to support integrated and multi-domain cooperation.

Acknowledging that our navies have been a driving force in advancing the United States and India’s shared interests in the Indian Ocean Region and the wider Indo-Pacific, the Ministers discussed opportunities to further advance and deepen maritime cooperation, including in underwater domain awareness.

The United States also welcomed India’s decision to join the Combined Maritime Forces Task Force as an Associate Partner to expand multilateral cooperation in the Indian Ocean. The Ministers lauded the 2022 Indo-Pacific Military Health Exchange, which India and the United States co-hosted to bring together experts from 38 countries to discuss challenges and solutions to military medical issues. Both sides look forward to India’s co-hosting of the Indo-Pacific Armies Chiefs Conference (IPACC) and Indo-Pacific Armies Management Seminar (IPAMS) in 2023.

In support of the Indian military’s expanding operational reach and emerging opportunities for cooperation in the Indian Ocean and the wider region, the Ministers welcomed regular bilateral logistics operations such as replenishments at sea, air-to-air and ground-refueling and committed to increasing such cooperation, including through the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA).

Both sides reaffirmed the importance of regular bilateral and multilateral exercises, including the MALABAR exercise with inclusion of Australia, the tri-service TIGER TRIUMPH exercise, the multilateral MILAN naval exercise, the bilateral YUDH ABHYAS and VAJRA PRAHAR Army exercises, the bilateral COPE India air exercise, and Indian participation in RED FLAG. They supported increasing the scope and complexity of these exercises. They looked forward to deepening cooperation between the Special Forces of both countries.

Recognizing the importance of building robust private industry collaboration, the Ministers welcomed ongoing projects under the auspices of the India-U.S. Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), including a project agreement to co-develop Air-Launched UAVs. They called on both sides to consider additional DTTI projects, such as a counter-unmanned aerial systems (UAS) system and an Intelligence, Surveillance, Target Acquisition and Reconnaissance (ISTAR) platform. They also lauded the rapid growth in bilateral defense trade over the past decade.

Seeking trusted and resilient defense supply chains, the Ministers welcomed the progress made towards implementation of the Industrial Security Agreement to facilitate collaboration on cutting edge defense technologies between industries. Both sides would explore and further promote the means to encourage reciprocal participation of U.S. and Indian vendors in each other’s defense supply chains. Acknowledging India’s focus on developing its domestic capabilities and helping to ensure reliable defense supplies, the Ministers committed to work closely across their respective governments on co-production, co-development, cooperative testing of advanced systems, investment promotion, and the development of Maintenance Repair and Overhaul (MRO) facilities in India. To further enhance defense industrial cooperation in the naval sector, both sides agreed to explore possibilities of utilizing the Indian shipyards for repair and maintenance of ships of the U.S. Maritime Sealift Command (MSC) to support mid-voyage repair of U.S. Naval ships.

Counterterrorism and Counter Narcotics

The Ministers welcomed the convening of the 18th Meeting of the India-U.S. Joint Working Group on Counter Terrorism and the 4th Session of the India-U.S. Designations Dialogue in October 2021. The Ministers strongly condemned any use of terrorist proxies and cross-border terrorism in all its forms and called for the perpetrators of the 26/11 Mumbai attack, and Pathankot attack, to be brought to justice. They called for concerted action against all terrorist groups, including groups proscribed by the UNSC 1267 Sanctions Committee, such as al-Qa’ida, ISIS/Daesh, Lashkar-e-Tayyiba (LeT), and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), and Hizb ul Mujahideen. The Ministers called on Pakistan to take immediate, sustained, and irreversible action to ensure that no territory under its control is used for terrorist attacks. The Ministers committed to continued exchange of information about sanctions and designations against terror groups and individuals, countering violent radicalism, use of the Internet for terrorist purposes, and cross-border movement of terrorists. The Ministers also emphasized the importance of upholding international standards on anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism by all countries, consistent with FATF recommendations.

The Ministers also reaffirmed their support for the early adoption of a UN Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT) that advances and strengthens the framework for global cooperation and reinforces that no cause or grievance justifies terrorism.

Both sides looked forward to the next India-U.S. Counter Narcotics Working Group meeting in 2022 and enhancing cooperation through a bilateral Counter-Narcotics Framework to combat drug trafficking, illicit narcotics production, and precursor chemical supply chains.

Building upon the recent Senior Officials Meeting between the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and India’s Ministry of Home Affairs, both sides looked forward to reconvening a Ministerial meeting of the India-U.S. Homeland Security Dialogue in 2022.

Education and People-to-People Ties

Lauding the vibrant educational linkages between India and the United States, the Ministers reiterated their support to further strengthen cooperation in the field of education and skill development through joint collaborations and promote student and scholar mobility to build people-to-people linkages between the two countries. In this regard, the ministers announced the intent to establish a new India-U.S. Education and Skills Development Working Group. The Ministers also appreciated the contribution of the Fulbright-Nehru program in furthering the exchange of outstanding academics and professionals between both countries and the special role that the four million strong Indian-American diaspora play in deepening India-U.S. relations.

Welcoming the resumption of regular air travel between the two countries and expressing hope that this would encourage tourism and business travel, the Ministers acknowledged that the movement of skilled professionals, students, entrepreneurs, investors, and business travelers between our countries plays an important role in catalyzing innovation and economic opportunity. India welcomed the waiver, through December 31, 2022, of in-person visa interviews for applicants that were previously issued any type of visa and are now applying for certain nonimmigrant visa classifications, which include those for Persons in Specialty Occupation, Academic and Vocational Students, and Intracompany Transferees. The Ministers underlined the importance of continued engagement on visa issues, welcomed the December 2021 meeting of the bilateral Consular Dialogue, and resolved to continue efforts to facilitate the reciprocal movement of professionals, business persons, skilled workers, experts, and scientific personnel.

The Ministers also acknowledged the importance of continued discussions on a Social Security Totalization Agreement and welcomed the opportunity to further engage on pursuing such an agreement.

Both sides looked forward to commencing a dialogue on contemporary issues related to women in the context of people to people linkages.

Recognizing the importance of protecting cultural heritage, the Ministers committed to work toward negotiating a Memorandum of Understanding that will deepen cooperation in this area and assist authorities in combatting the trade in cultural artifacts and facilitating their repatriation.

The United States thanked India for its support for the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA) missions in India. The Ministers reiterated their commitment to future DPAA‎ missions.

India looks forward to hosting the next 2+2 Ministerial.

New Delhi
April 12, 2022

**********
 

Battle within US panel on religious freedom on putting India on Red List​

Behind the exchange of words on the state of human rights in each other’s countries between External Affair Minister S Jaishankar and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is a more intense battle being fought in the corridors of United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) as it prepares a report to be submitted to the US State Department on April 25.

Twice in past successive years, the USCIRF wanted the US State Department to treat India as a ‘Country of Particular Concern (CPC)’ which would bracket it with egregious human rights abusers such as China, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. And, both times two different US administrations have rejected its recommendation and kept India a rung below the Red List.

This time, the battle within USCIRF on the India chapter is more intense than in the past amidst insider accounts that one Commissioner has “been turned” and is understood to be insisting on several changes in the draft under preparation.

In a letter to USCIRF, several US-based civil rights and faith groups have asked it to withstand the pressure. “It is clear that those seeking to obfuscate the reality of India’s persecution of its religious minorities are now using intense lobbying and combative communication with the goal of preventing USCIRF from recommending India’s designation as a CPC for the third straight year,” said the letter.

“We have also learned that such pressure includes attempts to influence USCIRF Commissioners and officials to exclude even a mention of Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” it added.


On Wednesday, Jaishankar held a press conference in Washington to rebut Blinken’s comments a day earlier. Nationalist Congress Party has criticised the Government for the two Indian Ministers present at the press conference – Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh – not giving an on-the-spot rebuttal.

Stating that human rights issue was not a topic of discussion during the India-US 2+2 ministerial meeting, Jaishankar said people are entitled to have views about India but “we also take our views on other people’s human rights situation, including that of the US”.

Blinken had said a day earlier that the US is monitoring some recent “concerning developments” in India, including a rise in human rights abuses by some government, police and prison officials.
 

Readout of U.S. - India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue​

Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III co-chaired the fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue alongside Secretary of State Antony Blinken, Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh, and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar, April 11 in Washington, D.C.


During their discussions, the four leaders forged new and deeper cooperation across the breadth of the U.S.-India partnership, including defense, science and technology, trade, climate, public health, and people-to-people ties. Bound by common strategic interests and an abiding commitment to the rules-based international order, they agreed to continue charting an ambitious course in the U.S.-India partnership.


Secretary Austin and his counterparts exchanged views on a range of regional security priorities—spanning the Indian Ocean region to East and Southeast Asia to Europe. They agreed to maintain close consultations on the ongoing crisis in Ukraine, including on humanitarian assistance efforts, and echoed support for an independent investigation into the brutal violence deployed against civilians in Bucha. In support of India’s leading role as a net security provider, the leaders discussed new opportunities to coordinate more closely together to ensure that the United States and India’s shared vision for a free and open Indo-Pacific region continues to thrive.


As the Indian military emerges as a more jointly integrated force, the 2+2 Ministerial advanced initiatives that will allow the U.S. and Indian militaries to work more seamlessly together across all domains of potential conflict—from the seas to cyberspace. The United States and India finalized major bilateral initiatives on information-sharing, liaison exchanges, and joint service engagements to support high-end, combined operations.


The four leaders committed to deepening cooperation in new defense domains, such as space and cyberspace, as the U.S. and Indian militaries jointly meet the challenges of this century. The United States and India signed a Space Situational Awareness arrangement, which lays the groundwork for more advanced cooperation in space. They also agreed to launch an inaugural Defense Artificial Intelligence Dialogue, while expanding joint cyber training and exercises.


The leaders discussed ways to coordinate more closely with like-minded nations—including Australia, Japan, and European partners—to ensure that our shared principles of the rule of law, freedom of the seas, and respect for the territorial integrity of sovereign states prevail today and far into the future. Today’s 2+2 Ministerial reaffirmed that the United States and India will continue stand shoulder-to-shoulder, rooted in common democratic values, as two pillars of a free and open Indo-Pacific.
 

Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Modi of India Before Bilateral Meeting​

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Prime Minister Modi, it’s always good to see you. I’m looking forward to seeing you in Japan, about the 24th of May. And I was honored to welcome you to the White House last September to discuss U.S.-India relations, to meet with our fellow Quad leaders.

And I’m pleased to have this opportunity to speak with you today virtually and with your two ministers and your ambassador here in person.

(Referring to the language interpretation.) Is it contemporaneous?

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Yes, (inaudible).

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Oh, I’m sorry. (Laughs.)

As two vibrant democracies who — one is learning how to make sure I can do this contemporaneously, but — two vibrant democracies, we have a — we take the same concerns about the global challenges we face — from COVID-19, advancing health security, and tracking the climate crisis — and we share a strong and growing Major Defense Partnership.

At the root of our partnership is a deep connection between our people — ties of family, of friendship, and of shared values.

On that note, I want to welcome India’s humanitarian support for the people of Ukraine, who are suffering a horrific assault, including a tragic shelling in a train station last week that killed dozens of innocent children and women and civilians attempting to flee the violence.

The United States and India are going to continue our close consultation on how to manage the destabilizing effects of this Russian war.

And I’m looking forward to our discussions today, Mr. Prime Minister. Our continued consultation and dialogue are key to ensuring the U.S.-India relationship continues to grow deeper and stronger, delivering our people and our global good — good that we all are seeking to manage, particularly in your part of the world.

And the floor is yours, Mr. Prime Minister.

PRIME MINISTER MODI: (As interpreted.) President Biden, I would like to, first of all, express my gratitude to you for your warm words. Our defense and foreign ministers will be meeting today in the 2+2 format in a short while from now.

Our meeting before that is very important, as it will provide direction for the discussions. I also appreciate your initiative to organize today’s virtual meeting.

Excellency, when I was in Washington last year in September — and you, in fact, mentioned that — you had said at the time that the India-America partnership can contribute to solving a lot of global problems. I totally agree with you.

As two democracies that are the world’s largest and oldest, we are natural partners. And the progress that has taken place in our relations in the last few years, the new momentum that has been created would have been hard to even imagine a few decades ago.

Excellency, our talks today are taking place at a time when the situation in Ukraine is very worrying.

A few weeks ago, over 20,000 Indians were stuck in Ukraine, and most of them were young students. After a lot of hard work, we were successful in getting them all out safely. One student, however, lost his life.

During this entire process, I spoke several times on the phone to the presidents of both Ukraine and Russia. I not only appealed for peace, but also suggested that there be direct talks between President Putin and the President of Ukraine.

We had extensive discussions on Ukraine in our parliament as well.

Recently, the news about the killings of innocent civilians in the Bucha city was very worrying. We instantly condemned the killings and have called for an independent inquiry.

We hope that the ongoing discussions between Russia and Ukraine will lead to peace.

Excellency, we have also emphasized the importance of the security of civilians in Ukraine and the unhindered supply of humanitarian assistance to them — and you mentioned this, in fact.

On our part, we have sent medicines and other relief material to Ukraine and to its neighboring countries. And on Ukraine’s request, we will be sending them another consignment of medicines very soon.

Excellency, at the beginning of your term in office, you’d used a very important slogan: “Democracies can deliver.” The India-America partnership and the success of the India-America partnership is the best means to make this slogan meaningful.

This year, India is celebrating 75 years of its independence, and we are also celebrating the 75th anniversary of our diplomatic relations as well. I am confident that our friendship with America will be an integral part of India’s development journey over the next 25 years.

Once again, my thanks to you for organizing this event.

PRESIDENT BIDEN: Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. We’re going to hold for just a moment, Mr. Prime Minister, while the press leaves the room.

Readout of President Biden’s Call with Prime Minister Modi of India​

President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. spoke today with Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India to inaugurate the fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. Together, they committed to strengthening the U.S.-India relationship through cooperation on clean energy, technology and military cooperation, and expanded economic and people-to-people ties. They also committed to continue cooperation – bilaterally and multilaterally – on ending the COVID-19 pandemic, strengthening global health security, advancing global food security, and ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific. They emphasized their shared commitment, as leaders of the world’s largest democracies, to respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. The two Leaders also discussed the destabilizing impacts of Russia’s war against Ukraine, with a particular focus on global food supply. President Biden and Prime Minister Modi looked forward to meeting in person later this spring, in Tokyo, for the Quad summit.

Virtual meeting between Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi and President of USA His Excellency Mr. Joseph R. Biden​

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Joseph R. Biden held a virtual meeting today. Raksha Mantri Shri Rajnath Singh and Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar, who are in Washington DC for the India-US 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue, were also present at the White House during the interaction, along with their US counterparts, Secretary of Defence Lloyd Austin and Secretary of State Antony Blinken.

The two Leaders had an extensive exchange of views on several regional and global issues, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, global economic recovery, climate action, recent developments in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region, and the situation in Ukraine.

They also took stock of the significant progress made in bilateral relations in recent years.

Both leaders agreed that further strengthening of the India-US Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership would be of tremendous benefit to the two countries, and would also contribute to global peace, prosperity and stability.
 

Background Press Call by a Senior Administration Official on President Biden’s Virtual Meeting with Prime Minister Modi of India​

MODERATOR: Great, thank you. And thank everyone for joining. So, as a reminder, this call is on background, attributable to a senior administration official, and the contents of the call are embargoed until the end of the call.


For your awareness and not for reporting, our speaker on the call today is [senior administration official]. So, with that, I’ll turn it over to you for some quick remarks at the top, and then we’ll take some questions.


SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Great. Thanks, [moderator], and thank you to everyone for joining. As [moderator] said, I will do some remarks and we’ll do a few questions afterwards.


I just wanted to talk about the meeting that President Biden just held with Prime Minister Modi. He met virtually with Prime Minister Modi, and this is ahead of the U.S.-India 2+2 ministerial that Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin are holding today with their Indian counterparts.


President Biden last spoke to Prime Minister Modi in early March, along with other Quad leaders. And as you all remember, President Biden welcomed Prime Minister Modi in person to the White House last September.


During the course of the meeting, President Biden affirmed that our partnership with India is one of our most important relationships, and the two leaders had a chance to have an hourlong, very candid conversation to discuss a range of bilateral and global issues. The meeting was warm and productive, and they covered a lot of ground.


The leaders were able to talk about joint efforts on the global effort to end the COVID-19 pandemic. They talked about climate. They talked about strengthening the global economy. And they talked about upholding a free and open Indo-Pacific, including the development of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and infrastructure.


And President Biden also took the opportunity to continue the close consultations we’ve been having with India at a number of different levels across our government and over the course of many weeks on Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine. The U.S. and India are partnering and consulting on mitigating the most destabilizing impacts, both on global food supply and other commodity markets.


And throughout the course of the 2+2, today, Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin, of course, will have the chance to go over these issues and many more, including sanctions compliance — again, including cooperation on food supply, including energy.


And the 2+2 will cover also science and technology partnership initiatives. They’ll cover people-to-people ties. They will cover counterterrorism; operationalizing the Major Defense Partnership; new domains of cooperation in space and cyber and emerging technologies; and multilateral cooperation.


But the leaders meeting at the top was a very useful touchpoint for the two of them to share perspective on a range of issues.


So, let me stop there and take a couple of questions. Thanks.


MODERATOR: Great. Can we cue up the directions to ask a question, please?


Q Could you talk a little bit about whether there was any discussion on the call about the energy purchases that India is making from Russia, and whether those need to stop and whether there’s any formal kind of agreement about what that would look like? Thank you very much.


SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: The two leaders covered the whole range of issues related to Russia-Ukraine. It was a very candid conversation. I think you will have seen — even in Prime Minister Modi’s remarks at the top to press, he talked about it as well. They were very direct conversations.


On the energy issues: Of course, it’s a subject of discussion. We’re aware of what India — you know, we haven’t asked India to do anything in particular; we’re having a very open conversation. We know that not all countries will be able to do what we’ve done. We know that India is not a major consumer of Russian oil. Its current imports are about 1 to 2 percent of its total energy imports.


And, as of now, our energy payments — our energy payments are exempt from current sanctions. And we’ve been very clear that we’ve been able to ban oil and LNG and coal imports from Russia, but other countries have to make their own choices.


That said, we don’t think India should accelerate or increase imports of Russian energy. And the U.S. is ready to support India, remain in a conversation with India about its diversification of imports.


Q Hey there. Following up on the last question, but maybe in a — in a little bit broader way: India has obviously been among the nations that had been more reticent to speak out against the war in Ukraine. They’ve obviously abstained from several votes at the U.N., including the vote the other day to withdraw — to remove Russia from the Human Rights Council.


What — did the President bring that up? Did the President — is this an opportunity for the President to try to push India to be — you know, essentially to take a side here, as opposed to the sort of neutral position that they’ve taken? Did he specifically do that? Did he specifically ask India to take a side?


SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: So, India is going to make its own judgments. Prime Minister Modi brought up the situation, again, in his public remarks, and there was discussion. I mean, the President shared his views, and Prime Minister Modi shared his views.


You will have seen in recent days that India made some pretty strong statements in New York condemning the killings of civilians, supporting calls for an independent investigation. India is also providing humanitarian relief material to Ukraine, including medicine and other supplies.


There were close consultations in early days about the Indian students that were — needed to be evacuated from Ukraine.


So we’re going to continue these discussions with India. I think India will make its own decisions, but we’re going to continue the discussions.


And as I mentioned earlier, there were conversations about how to mitigate the destabilizing impacts of Putin’s war, including on food supply, where India is in a position to assist — has done some things, and there was discussion about what more India might be able to do.


Q Hi. Thank you, guys. Sort of following up, actually, on both the prior questions — I was wondering if any explicit commitments were made by India in regards either on oil but more broadly. I know you said that the Prime Minister made some comments at the beginning that were public where he seemed to use stronger words to condemn Russia’s behavior. Was that a sort of satisfactory condemnation from the Biden administration’s perspective?


SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: What I’ll say is that Prime Minister Modi took the opportunity to share his views in a pretty candid way about what’s going on.

We know that Russia has concerns — we know that India has concerns about the links between Russia and China. India, of course, is facing a very tense situation along the Line of Actual Control. And when India sees the tight links between China and Russia, that’s obviously going to impact their thinking.

Whether there was — there was no sort of concrete ask and concrete answer, but the leaders were able to step back and have a pretty detailed and candid exchange of views.


Q Hi, thank you. Thank you for doing this. I wanted to ask you if the neighborhood was discussed, because the situations in both Sri Lanka and Pakistan is not that very good. Did that issue came up for discussion, and what was it?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL: Yes, the leaders did discuss developments in the region, in South Asia. They touched on some of the developments in Sri Lanka, in Bangladesh. And I know that our State Department colleagues will be able to follow up on those discussions. It wasn’t a detailed discussion by the leaders, but it did come up. And I am positive there will be more detailed discussions throughout the course of the next day and a half.


MODERATOR: Great. All right. Well, thanks, everyone, for joining. As a reminder, this call was on background, attributable to a “senior administration official.” And the embargo on the call will lift at the end of this call.

If you have any other questions, please feel free to reach out to me and we’ll make sure to get back to you.

Thanks, everyone.

Secretary Antony J. Blinken, Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III, Indian Minister of External Affairs Dr. S. Jaishankar, and Indian Minister of Defense Rajnath Singh at a Joint Press Availability​

SECRETARY BLINKEN: Well, good afternoon, everyone.


Foreign Minister Jaishankar, Defense Minister Singh, I am delighted to join my friend Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin in welcoming you to Washington, and especially grateful for the chance to return the incredibly warm hospitality that you showed me when I visited New Delhi in July.


This meeting today marked the fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. It built upon the productive meeting last September between president – between Prime Minister Modi and President Biden as well as the conversation that they had by video today, and on the strong partnership our two countries have developed across nearly 75 years of diplomatic relations.


As the world’s largest democracy and oldest democracy, we work together every day to deliver opportunity, security, freedom, and dignity to our peoples.


We’re working closely to combat the COVID-19 pandemic.


Scientists and institutions across our countries are developing and producing safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines together. We’re working through the Quad Vaccine Partnership, with our colleagues in Australia and Japan, to make these vaccines available throughout the Indo-Pacific. As of today, Quad partners have collectively provided more than 500 million vaccine doses; we’re rapidly expanding production to make more at the Biological E facility in India.


We’re standing together for our shared commitment to uphold a free, rules-based international order that safeguards sovereignty, territorial integrity, and independence. Today, we reaffirmed our commitment to promoting regional stability, the rule of law, the peaceful resolution of disputes, and to expanding our strategic partnership with ASEAN.


Russia’s war against Ukraine is an attack on Ukraine’s people; it’s also an attack on that rules-based order that we both adhere to and defend. The United States will continue to increase our support to the government and people of Ukraine and call on other nations to do the same, just as we call on all nations to condemn Moscow’s increasingly brutal actions.


Russia’s aggression stands in stark contrast to the vision that the United States and India share for a free and open Indo-Pacific. And Russia’s actions are having a profound impact not just in Europe and in Ukraine, but around the world – for example, causing food insecurity and rising prices. Ukraine’s farmers have been forced to flee or to fight, as Russian troops intentionally destroy farmland and equipment and prevent Ukraine from exporting their wheat through Black Sea ports.


Our countries are working together to try to bring more food to world markets, as well as to the World Food Program. And the United States is also focused on securing more funding for the World Food Program and the UN Food and Agriculture Organization and producing more fertilizer so that we can help others sustain crop yields in the future.


We also discussed our goal of driving inclusive economic growth both for our countries and across the region.


India and the United States already trade to the tune of more than $150 billion each year. But we’re deepening that relationship by restarting the U.S-India Commercial Dialogue and the U.S-India CEO Forum later this year, where our private sector partners can offer recommendations to strengthen even more our trade and investment relationship.


In the video meeting that they held earlier today, Prime Minister Modi welcomed President Biden’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework initiative. It can allow us to increase our collaboration across more issues, including digital trade, supply chain resilience, infrastructure, and tax policy.


And our countries are working together to tackle the climate crisis. The United States is supporting India’s ambitious COP26 clean energy commitments by investing in renewable energy projects and mobilizing private sector financing.


We also share a commitment to our democratic values, such as protecting human rights. We regularly engage with our Indian partners on these shared values, and to that end we’re monitoring some recent concerning developments in India, including a rise in human rights abuses by some government, police, and prison officials.


In addition to all of these critical issues, I’m pleased that we’re increasing cooperation in a number of other key areas which we focused on today.


We’re deepening our defense ties, which I know Secretary Austin will speak to.


We’re expanding our cooperation on development around the world – particularly in Asia and Africa – by working together to carry out disaster relief, as well as clean energy and climate-smart agricultural projects.


And we’re increasing people-to-people ties, which are really at the heart of the entire relationship.


We’re very lucky in the United States to be home to some 4 million Indian Americans, as well as 200,000 Indians studying in our universities.


We have a Working Group on Education and Skill Training that we formed today that will increase that number by bringing institutions in the United States and India together to develop new joint research and exchange programs. We look forward to welcoming more Indian students and scholars into our communities. We’re focusing, among other things, on STEM education. I think this is an area of tremendous potential going forward.


Let me just say in conclusion that very soon after our countries established diplomatic relations some 75 years ago, Prime Minister Nehru came to visit the United States. President Truman met him on the tarmac of the airport. And Prime Minister Nehru noted the importance of the moment, saying, and I quote: “I trust that these two republics of the Western World and the Eastern World will find many ways of working together in friendly and fruitful cooperation to our mutual advantage, and for the good of humanity.”


So for nearly 75 years, we’ve done just that. And I’m grateful to our partners for making it possible for that “friendly and fruitful cooperation” to continue and to deepen.


And with that, I hand it over to Foreign Minister Jaishankar. Or are we going to Lloyd? Sorry. Let me go to Lloyd first, the Secretary of Defense.


SECRETARY AUSTIN: Thanks, Secretary Blinken. Well, Secretary Blinken, Minister Singh, Minister Jaishankar, it’s great to be here with you for this fourth U.S.-India 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue. As my friend Secretary Blinken has rightly noted, we’re meeting at an important moment in our partnership. It’s been nearly two decades since we signed our first bilateral defense framework, and our partnership has grown immensely ever since.


Today’s meeting shows that we’re working together to build one of the most consequential partnerships of our time. We’ve made important commitments today that will drive technological innovation and cooperation in emerging defense domains, including space and cyberspace. For example, we’re committed to launching new defense base exchanges later this year between our Space Command and India’s Defense Space Agency. And I’m pleased to announce that just a few moments ago, we signed a bilateral Space Situational Awareness arrangement, and this will support greater information sharing and cooperation in space.


We’re also deepening our cooperation in cyberspace, including through training and exercises later this year. And we’re expanding our information-sharing partnership across all warfighting domains. And meanwhile, our defense trade and technology cooperation continues to grow. We recently concluded an agreement to work together on air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles through our Defense Technology and Trade Initiative. And today we agreed to launch new supply chain cooperation measures that will let us more swiftly support each other’s priority defense requirements. India continues to acquire key U.S. defense platforms, and that is forging important and new ties between our defense industrial bases.


We’re doing all this because the United States supports India as a defense industry leader in the Indo-Pacific and a net provider of security in the region. And we all understand the challenges that we face there. The People’s Republic of China is seeking to refashion the region and the international system more broadly in ways that serve its interests. And so I’m pleased that we’ve identified new opportunities to extend the operational reach of our militaries and to coordinate more closely together across the expanse of the Indo-Pacific.


We welcome the Indian navy’s decision to join the Combined Maritime Forces, Bahrain, and we’ve also committed to more high-end exercises together. Last summer the Theodore Roosevelt Carrier Strike Group conducted the first-ever combined anti-submarine warfare and air exercise with the Indian navy and air force. And we’re looking forward to more of this sort of cooperation as we expand the scope and the complexity of Tiger Triumph, which is our annual major tri-service exercise.


And finally, we made commitments today to reinforce our ties with like-minded countries, including Japan, Australia, and our European allies and partners. Take, for example, the Quad’s newly launched humanitarian assistance and disaster relief mechanism, which will bring together our defense and civil disaster – and civilian disaster relief agencies to ensure that the Indo-Pacific is better prepared for future crises.


Now, as two of the world’s largest democracies, the United States and India are linked by more than our common interests. We’re bound by our shared values and commitments, including ensuring that the Indo-Pacific stays on a path defined by the rule of law and freedom of the seas and respect for territorial integrity of sovereign states.


Today’s 2+2 ministerial reflects our deep commitment to maintaining open channels of communication on a range of challenging issues. As strategic threats converge, especially following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, it is more important than ever that we stand together to defend our shared values and to preserve the international rules-based order.


And so I believe that the investments that we’ve made together today will help to ensure that our shared vision of a secure, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific region thrives in the decades ahead. Ministers, thank you for your partnership and for your leadership as we work together to build that future. It’s great to have you with us – here with us, so thank you very much.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: Now to Minister Singh.


MINISTER SINGH: Secretary Austin, Secretary Blinken, Dr. Jaishankar-ji, members of press, ladies and gentlemen.


(Via interpreter) very appreciative of their comments. In the past, it shows that our relationships have expanded in scale, and we have had very meaningful talks this morning. It will help in the momentum and in also expanding and taking it forward. Both of – both the nations are common and complementary, and we have shared goals which we would like to achieve, and we also have a shared will to achieve it.


We have tried to see that we will – we have talked on very many different aspects, and it’s a very unique thing that as two big democracies of the world, we have had conversation on all the issues and our views converge on each. And we hope to have a free, open, and inclusive rule-based order, which is a common vision that is shared by both our nations. Our partnership is based on Indo-Pacific, and we want to create peace and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.


During the meeting, we also discussed about our neighbors, and we tried to make sure that our assessment is also shared. During this talk, we have talked about counterterrorism and talk about how this has been used against India. During our comprehensive engagement, we have had very comprehensive results, some of which are as follows, which we’d like to talk: The Department of Space and U.S. Department of Defense have Space Situational Awareness agreement which has been fulfilled. And in the times to come, Defense-Space and Defense artificial intelligence agreement. Third, many other initiatives and agreements which are still in the discussion phase. They have had very good progress, the military scope and also to increase the depth of it, and we have had unanimity on that.


Even after the pandemic, we’ve seen very big expansion between our military-to-military exercises, and we are happy that the maritime force in Bahrain has been joined as an associated force. This shows that in the western region it will make it more stronger. We are also happy with the COMCASA and BECA implementation, and we are working towards it. In the defense, cyber, and special forces field also, we would like to increase the forces. LEMOA and (inaudible), under these two exercises, we’ve tried to expand the scope of logistics.


Both the countries are trying with the closer engagement of the forces. We are fully working technology initiatives also. We want to take speedy decisions and implementation, and for that the processing and procurement review will be done. This is what was decided today. I have talked to American companies for making India an aerospace and (inaudible) program. I have invited them for these programs. We are talking to U.S. companies for co-development and co-production. We’re proposing it to them. We have asked the U.S. companies to work in the UP and Tamil Nadu corridor and invest in that area.


During the hard time of pandemic, the United States have given us a lot of support, and on this occasion, we express our deep appreciation for that, and during this time I would like to thank Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin and would like to thank them for their leadership. Today’s leadership meeting and the 2+2 meeting shows that we are – this was an important event to strengthen the relationship between the two nations. And in the areas of mutual interest also, I would like to say that we would support for better – (inaudible) better contribution. We want that global access should be given, and peace and security should be maintained.


I would like to once again thank Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin and would like to thank them for the support in strengthening U.S.-India relationships. I have talked to both the secretaries to – I have invited them to India for the next 2+2 ministerial dialogue in India. Thank you.


MINISTER JAISHANKAR: Secretary Blinken, Secretary Austin, Defense Minister Rajnath Singh-ji, it’s a great pleasure to meet all of you at the conclusion of a productive and substantive 2+2 ministerial today. Earlier in the day, we participated the virtual summit of our leaders, and we also met departmentally. These meetings are taking place at a time when the global order is facing multiple challenges and stresses. Obviously, a good part of my meeting with Secretary Blinken in the morning went to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine that has many ramifications. Even countries far away are worrying about energy security, food security, commodities prices, and logistics disruption.


Now, this comes on top of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic with which the world has been struggling for the last two years. Quite apart from public health concerns and its economic impact, this has raised awareness about the need for reliable and resilient supply chains. Autonomously, the nature of globalization and the usage of technology has brought to fore concerns of trust and transparency.


How to ensure a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific was also on our agenda today. We spoke of developments in and around Afghanistan that have made their ripples felt well beyond. Our conversations also covered recent happenings in the Indian subcontinent.


Strategic partnerships like those between India and the United States are built through shared interests, common values, and constant nurturing. It is natural that each of us will bring to the relationship our particular perspectives, experiences, and priorities. But when there is a mutual appreciation of the significance of our ties, there is also a desire to better understand each other’s thinking. Our dialogue today, I believe, has helped in that regard.


The report card of our bilateral cooperation is an impressive one. Defense minister has already spoken of the great strides made in the field of defense and security. We also partner closely in counterterrorism and maritime security, making the world a much safer place. The integrated perspective that we brought to bear in this 2+2 format only underlines the gains made in different domains in recent times.


The economic side of the story is particularly significant. Both trade and investment are steadily growing. We have had discussions today on both of them, as also on connectivity, infrastructure, digital issues, climate action, and energy. Our shared activities in space, science and technology, and health are also noteworthy. We see our cooperation as having a larger relevance of the Indo-Pacific.


The bedrock of our relationship, as you would all agree, is its human element. It could be the students who come to universities, the flow of talent that defines our knowledge partnership, or indeed the technology and business relationships which promote innovation. They’re all examples of the human bridge that connects our societies so uniquely. I look forward to highlighting this aspect tomorrow at an event in Howard University, where I would have the pleasure of speaking along with Secretary Blinken.


In a changing world, India-U.S. ties have not only kept pace but actually emerged as a major contributor to global peace, stability, and prosperity. This is not just the weight of our expanding partnership but also the impact it makes on addressing global issues. Our vaccine cooperation can enhance its affordability and accessibility. Our B2B and G2G dealings can contribute to better connectivity and reliable supply chains. Our climate collaboration is underlined by the United States joining the International Solar Alliance and co-chairing the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure.


Challenges in the Indo-Pacific have also been a particular focus of our discussions. We appreciate the attention and energy devoted by the United States to the Quad. Its elevation and intensification in the last year benefits the entire Indo-Pacific. Indeed, the Quad has emerged as a powerful force of global good.


So let me sum up our discussions in three broad points. One, it has helped us today to strategize on mitigating the volatility and unpredictability that the world is currently experiencing. That will be (inaudible) reflected in our policies. Two, it has encouraged us to think together on long-term challenges, especially in the Indo-Pacific. And three, it has energized our collaborative endeavors to build what is emerging as a key bilateral relationship of our times. Thank you.


MODERATOR: We’ll now turn to questions. We’ll take four questions, alternating two questions per delegation. We’ll start with Rosiland Jordan of Al Jazeera English.


QUESTION: Ministers, Secretaries, thank you. Keeping in mind that all four of you have talked about the deep friendship and alliance between the U.S. and India, I have several questions.


First, for Secretary Blinken: Isn’t it problematic that after 48 days of war that India has yet to condemn Russia’s invasion. What more can the U.S. do to persuade India to make what some argue is a symbolic step but still a critical one? And there are a number of reports suggesting that Moscow and Delhi are trying to work out some sort of currency exchange for future energy purchases. Did you tell Secretary Jaishankar that these could risk violations of not just current sanctions but also risk violating CAATSA?


Secretary Austin, this is a larger policy question. Has the U.S. missed an opportunity in the past 17 years since the beginning of this strategic partnership to replace Moscow as Delhi’s choice for weapons, for military materiel, not just the training and the robust partnership that we see in the militaries here?


And finally, for the Ministers Jaishankar and Singh, why not condemn Russia’s invasion? Wouldn’t this best reflect India’s foreign policy goals and international standing? And what is the leverage that the Indian Government has to persuade Vladimir Putin that the carnage that we are seeing every day simply must (inaudible) stop, that it’s not helping the Ukrainian people, and that it’s not helping the Russian people? Thank you so much.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you. I’m happy to start. I applaud the multi-part, multi-person question.


A few things. First, I should note, before getting into the specifics of the question, that Prime Minister Modi and President Biden had a very warm and productive conversation today in their virtual summit. Covered a lot of ground, including some of the things that we mentioned – COVID-19, climate, strengthening the global economy, the free and open Indo-Pacific that we both aspire to.


On Russia-Ukraine, they talked about ways of mitigating the profound impact that this is having on global food supplies and prices, commodity markets, and working together to achieve that.


I would note India has made very strong statements in New York at the UN, the minister, before the Indian parliament, condemning the killing of civilians in Ukraine, calling for an independent investigation of these atrocities. And I would also note that India is providing significant humanitarian assistance to the people of Ukraine, notably medicines, which are very necessary and in real demand.


India has to make its own decisions about how it approaches this challenge. We as a general proposition are consulting with all of our allies and partners on the consequences of Putin’s war, the atrocities being committed against the people of Ukraine. In our judgment, it is important that all countries, especially those with leverage, press Putin to end the war. And it’s also important that democracies stand together and speak with one voice to defend the values that we share. And we do share, profoundly, the values of freedom, openness, independence, sovereignty, and those values need to apply everywhere.


India’s relationship with Russia has developed over decades at a time when the United States was not able to be a partner to India. Times have changed. Today we are able and willing to be a partner of choice with India across virtually every realm – commerce, technology, education, and security. And that was very much the nature of the conversation that we had today.


When it comes to oil purchases, sanctions, et cetera, I’d just note that there are carveouts for energy purchases. Of course we’re encouraging countries not to purchase additional energy supplies from Russia. Every country is differently situated, has different needs and requirements, but we’re looking to allies and partners not to increase their purchases of Russian energy.


SECRETARY AUSTIN: Well, thanks, Ros. I – regarding missed opportunities, of course, I can’t say much about policy decisions that were made before my time. But what I can tell you is that President Biden truly values strong alliances and partnerships like the one that we have with India. And that’s really what today is all about. It’s about taking a strong relationship and making it even stronger, and working on those things that create interoperability and allow us to work together to promote the things that all of us have talked about. The issue of values is central to our – this relationship, and we’ll continue to work to strengthen what’s a very strong relationship and so that we don’t miss any opportunities going forward. So thanks.


MINISTER JAISHANKAR: I think I’ll probably answer for both of us. So first of all, thank you for the advice and suggestions in your question. I prefer to do it my way and articulate it my way. Now, as Secretary Blinken has pointed out, we have made a number of statements which outline our position in the UN, in our parliament, and in other forums. And briefly, what those positions state is that we’re against the conflict; we are for dialogue and diplomacy; we are for an urgent cessation of violence; and we are prepared to contribute in multiple ways to these objectives.


I noticed you refer to oil purchases. If you are looking at energy purchases from Russia, I would suggest that your attention should be focused on Europe, which probably we do buy some energy which is necessary for our energy security. But I suspect, looking at the figures, probably our total purchases for the month would be less than what Europe does in an afternoon. So you might want to think about that.


MR PRICE: We’ll turn to Lalit Jha, Press Trust of India.


QUESTION: (Off-mike.)


Do I need to repeat? Okay. Mr. Jaishankar, (inaudible).


My second question is to Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin. India, being in a tough neighborhood, is seeking to diversify its energy and (inaudible). As Prime Minister Modi says, the final goal is (inaudible), which means – also means a self-reliant India, and this includes energy independence. U.S. has played a key role in India getting food security through Green Revolution. In that context, my question to both of you is what the United States is offering to help India achieve this goal in the field of both energy and (inaudible). Thank you.


MINISTER JAISHANKAR: So if I could respond to the first question, what are we doing to mitigate volatility and unpredictability that the world is currently experiencing. Well, let me start – there are a number of things which are happening in the world. Let me start with the Ukraine situation.


I think part of what we are doing is to press for a cessation of hostilities, which I think everybody would agree would mitigate matters and clearly make the world less unpredictable. We’re also addressing the humanitarian situation. In fact, we have – the Ukrainians have been in touch with us for – especially for the supply of medicines. We’ve already provided humanitarian relief to Ukraine, to some of their neighbors, and even as we speak, a shipment of medicines is being delivered or will be delivered very soon to Kyiv.


We have discussed the economic consequences as well. I mean, we are looking at it ourselves, but we have discussed it as partners. I think a big concern we have – and not just we, I think the world has – is of energy security, of rising prices, of increasing premiums, of limited supplies. So today, you have to understand it is a legitimate concern of countries to ensure their energy security. But an equally big worry which is emerging is of food security. There are concerns across geographies of societies who are importing wheat or sugar or other foodstuff out of the conflict region.


So we have discussed today – not just us, but I think the subject also came up in the virtual summit between Prime Minister Modi and President Biden – about what could India do to stabilize the global economic situation. And we are quite willing, and in fact we’ve already started responding to the need for greater food supplies, especially wheat most of all but to some degree sugar as well. We have, even as we – at this moment a number of countries are discussing with us the possibility of greater food supplies, including the World Food Program.


So that’s the Ukraine part of the global situation, but that’s not the only problem that we face. I think that COVID has also left us with a lot of uncertainties and a lot of challenges to be addressed. Again, I think part of it is how do you construct more reliable and resilient supply chains, how do you increase trust and transparency, how do we work together on critical and emerging technologies like 5G. And again, we discussed an Indian initiative called performance-linked initiative which would incentivize manufacturing in India, and I think it’s very much in American interest to support it. We also spoke about how we could work together to help with the global health situation. How do we get a shot in every arm? How do we increase the distribution of vaccines?


And the other issue again which has added to global uncertainty is Afghanistan, and how do you stabilize the region, how do you again provide humanitarian assistance. We are, as you know, in the middle of providing 50,000 tons of wheat. How do you deal with the terrorism concerns that the world has in the Security Council, in FATF, et cetera? And I would say in a way, in terms of mitigating and stabilizing, the Quad itself is a great stabilizer. So that too is part of the contribution we are making towards a better world, and making that contribution in large measure through our partnership with the United States.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: You want to start?


SECRETARY AUSTIN: Yeah, I’m going to start. The question was what are we offering to India in support of its defense security, I think was the question.


As you heard in our earlier statements, we’re working closely with India on a range of priorities to support India’s security and its role as a net security provider. It is – it’s a leader in the region and it actually exports security to the region, and we’re grateful for that. Some of the things that we talked about, as we stated in our opening statements: information sharing, deeper cooperation in space, in cyberspace, liaison exchanges, continuing to work together more frequently and in the – in exercises but also exercises of increasing complexity. So we’re working with India on a number of things, and we think these things will add tremendous value to the region in terms of security.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: And on the last part of the question on energy, first let me say what we’re seeing across the board is that the Russian aggression against Ukraine is having profound impacts not only on the people of Ukraine, the brutalization of the country, but it is having global impacts, including, as we were talking about, on food availability and prices and also on energy. And we’ve seen significant increases in price there as well.


One of the important steps that President Biden took was to proceed with a coordinated release from strategic petroleum reserves that will continue over the next – for the part of the United States over the next six months to ensure that there is adequate energy on world markets, both to have an impact on availability as well as on price to deal with the disruptions caused by the Russian aggression. I think if that aggression stops, if the conflict stops, it will have a positive impact both on energy availability and prices as well as on food availability and food prices.


More broadly, though, India is the third largest consumer of energy in the world. It’s a big place, a big market. Electricity demand is projected to double by 2030. We’ve dramatically increased our own energy trade with India, diversifying its energy sources. Our energy exports to India now total about $11 billion a year. Ultimately, the most effective way to satisfy this growth, the needs of the Indian people, the Indian economy, is, of course, to honor the climate goals, the ambitious climate goals that India set, including particularly the expansion of renewables. And again, I point you to the very important commitments that Prime Minister Modi made at the COP26.


We are committed, for our part, to partnering in India’s clean energy transition, and this needs to be a partnership. We have a responsibility – a historic responsibility as well as a current responsibility – in trying to make sure that we’re helping to make available the technology, the financing, the support to help countries make that transition to adapt, to build resilience in dealing with climate change, and making sure that adequate supplies of energy are reaching their people.


There is a longstanding Strategic Clean Energy Partnership that is co-led by our Department of Energy and the Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas in India. That is deepening cooperation on energy efficiency and next-generation fuels. And we have the Quad. We’ve got a working group on climate that’s partnering on green shipping corridors and on green technology. Here at the State Department, our own Energy Bureau has done a lot of work, including collaborative studies with Indian researchers on the most economical decarbonization pathways.


And finally, I’d just note our Development Finance Corporation just announced a $500 million loan to First Solar, which will produce solar panel modules in southern India, furthering climate goals, diversifying solar supply chains.


So in all these ways and more, we are working both to deal with the impact of the Russian aggression on energy but much more broadly with this combination of helping India meet its energy needs while advancing together the vital climate agenda that we share.


MR PRICE: Ryo Nakamura of Nikkei.


QUESTION: Thank you very much for taking my question.


To Secretary Blinken: India plans to deploy S-400 missile defense system. Did you discuss this topic with your Indian counterparts today? Do you rule out the possibility of sanctioning India for its acquisition of S-400?


And to Secretary Austin, India is trying to diversify its procurement of military equipment and weapons by reducing reliance on Russia and purchasing more from other countries, including the United States. I am wondering what steps the Biden administration will take to help India accelerate their diversification effort. Is it an option for the United States to provide financial assistance to India to make U.S. systems more affordable?


To Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar: Russia has more and more aligned with China diplomatically, economically, and militarily. How much are you concerned about their alignment in terms of India’s national security? With that concern, do you think India has to reduce reliance on Russia economically and militarily as soon as possible? Thank you.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: I’m happy to start. So let me start by saying that we continue to urge all countries to avoid major new transactions for Russian weapons systems, particularly in light of what Russia is doing to Ukraine. We have not yet made a determination regarding potential sanctions or potential waivers under the CAATSA law.


But to come back to something I said a few moments ago, there is, of course, a long history and a long relationship between India and Russia, including when it comes to military equipment. That relationship took hold many years ago at a time when, as I said, we were not able to be a partner to India. And again, as I said, we are now both able and willing to be such a partner, to be a security partner of choice for India. That’s one of the areas that we discussed in some detail today.


SECRETARY AUSTIN: On the issue of future systems, we are engaged in active discussions with India on how to best support their modernization needs. And again, as we look at the future, we want to make sure that we maintain the ability to operate together, and so we look forward to those continued discussions. And it also includes a range of options that would make our systems more affordable. So this is work that will continue going forward, and again, look forward to continuing to have them as a strong and reliable partner.


MINISTER JAISHANKAR: This seems to be my day to get a lot of advice and suggestions from the press, so thank you for joining that. But look, we watch what’s happening in the world, like any country does, and we draw our conclusions and make our assessments. And believe me, we have a decent sense of what is in our interest and know how to protect it and advance it. So I think part of what has changed is we have more options than we did before.


Have a look at us today. We are standing here for a 2+2 with a substantial defense collaboration which has happened in the last decade, which we have been discussing how to take forward. And this wasn’t an option which was there for 40 years before that. So the world is changing. The world will keep changing. What we have to do in our profession is to watch it and see how your interests are best advanced in that.


And I just want to pick up on our – on the last – not this question but the previous question which Secretary Blinken answered on the energy side, which is given our energy security concerns – again, I don’t want this whole subject to go off at a – on a sort of a political note. Every country looks at its best options, and I think today an expanding India-U.S. energy relationship, which by the way didn’t exist some years ago – if my memory is right, you are the second-largest LNG supplier to India, I think the fourth or the fifth largest crude oil supplier, a big partner in the renewable side, including the agreement which Secretary Blinken just mentioned.


So we have – there is so much more going on in the world today, and a large part of it is really to fully explore the opportunities between India and the United States.


MR PRICE: We’ll take a final question from Pranay Upadhyay, ABP News.


QUESTION: Hello, ministers. My first question is direct to the defense ministers. (In Indian) major defense partnership agreement signed (In Indian).


(Via interpreter) My first – after signing the agreement, what is the roadmap and what is the conversation you have had? And from today’s (inaudible), how can the – security can be established by India and (inaudible)?


(In English) And my question to Secretary Austin: In the recent past, we have seen that the U.S. military supply to countries like Pakistan has been used against Indian interest. So when you say that U.S. is ready to forge greater defense cooperation with India, how have you assured India for the greater solidarity and safeguarding the Indian interest? And which are the critical and emerging technologies U.S. is ready to offer India to strengthen the India’s defense and security interest?


And to Secretary Austin, India’s neighborhood right now is going through a deep economic distress, especially in countries like Sri Lanka and other region – other small countries in South Asia. How U.S. is trying to cooperate with India to have a greater stability in the region as far as the economic stability for – in the post-COVID world?


MINISTER SINGH: (Via interpreter) I’m going to reply to this, and as you said, right now, that relationship between U.S. and India, I would like to say that there is a strategic relationship between the two countries and they are strategic partners. And I have insisted that India would focus on co-development of productions and all the investors should come to India. They are welcome. And because in India, they can develop the “Make in India” because we want to build and make everything in India.


SECRETARY AUSTIN: We’re proud of the fact that today, India has in its inventory a number of platforms that have – we believe and I think my colleagues would affirm – that have performed very, very reliably. And so today, what we talked about was how we’re going to increase our sharing of information, how we’re going to deepen our cooperation in space and cyberspace. And again, I think space and cyberspace are two warfighting domains that we want to make sure we continue to develop our own capabilities, but also help our partners to develop capabilities.


And I think those are the types of things that I think will cause us to be dominant in any battlespace, so we really look forward to developing this relationship a lot more and also continuing to work on – together with our counterparts here, our colleagues, in high-end, complex operations. And that’s how really you strengthen that trust and then – and build on capability.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: And just on the challenges facing the region, this was very much a subject of our conversations today and an ongoing conversation. Let me say a couple things about that.


First, we are trying to deal together with a number of the immediate crises that countries are facing around the world, but including in the Indo-Pacific, including some of India’s closest neighbors. When it comes to COVID-19, we’ve been working through the Quad partnership to effectively deliver hundreds of millions of doses of vaccine. We’re now deepening our work to make sure that we’re getting shots into arms, that we’re supporting health care workers, and that we are building strong supply chains both for the immediate challenge and going forward.


Similarly – we talked about this earlier – we’re very focused on the impact that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is having on food prices and food availability, and that affects countries in the region as well. India is looking – taking steps and looking at additional steps when it comes to making food stocks more widely available. We’re doing the same. We’re increasing financing to the World Food Program, the Food and Agriculture Organization. We’re looking at what we can do to incentivize the increased production of fertilizers so that even as we get beyond this year’s crops, as people are thinking about next year’s, yields can be sustained and won’t decrease, which would further interrupt supply and raise prices. So in all these areas, we’re collaborating together; similarly on energy, as we just discussed.


More broadly, one of the things that we’re talking about is an initiative that President Biden will launch in the weeks ahead, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework. And there, working together with countries in the region, we can have a very positive effect and very positive impact on things like building supply chain resilience in ways that actually benefit the economies of countries in the region; on infrastructure investment, which is so needed and so critical, where India and the United States can work together; on making available green technology as part of that effort; building out global health security and the necessary infrastructure that goes with that; working together on digital trade, which is increasingly a part of the lives of people in all of our countries and has tremendous potential, including in a number of these neighboring countries.


So in all these ways and more, we are working not only individually, but increasingly we’re working together to make sure that some of the benefits of the changing economy can be brought to these countries as well as helping them to deal with many of the challenges that we’re facing.


MR PRICE: Thank you, Your Excellencies. This concludes the press availability.


SECRETARY BLINKEN: Thank you.
 
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Investment Incentive Agreement between the Government of India and the Government of United States of America​

May 23, 2022
The Government of India and the Government of the United States of America has signed an Investment Incentive Agreement (IIA) today at Tokyo, Japan. The IIA was signed by Shri Vinay Kwatra, Foreign Secretary, Government of India, and Mr. Scott Nathan, Chief Executive Officer, U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC).

This IIA supersedes the Investment Incentive Agreement signed between the Government of India and the Government of the United States of America in the year 1997. Significant developments have taken place since the signing of the earlier IIA in 1997 including the creation of a new agency called DFC, a development finance agency of Government of USA, as a successor agency of the erstwhile Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) after the enactment of a recent legislation of USA, the BUILD Act 2018. IIA has been signed, to keep pace with the additional investment support programmes, offered by the DFC, such as debt, equity investment, investment guaranty, investment insurance or reinsurance, feasibility studies for potential projects and grants.

The Agreement is the legal requirement for DFC, to continue providing investment support in India. DFC or their predecessor agencies are active in India since 1974 and have so far provided investment support worth $5.8 billion of which $2.9 billion is still outstanding. Proposals worth $4 billion are under consideration by DFC for providing investment support in India. DFC has provided investment support in sectors that matter for development such as COVID-19 vaccine manufacturing, healthcare financing, renewable energy, SME financing, financial inclusion, infrastructure etc.

It is expected that signing of IIA would lead to enhanced Investment support provided by DFC in India, which shall further help in India’s development.
 

Prime Minister's meeting with President of the United States of America​

May 24, 2022
Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi had a warm and productive meeting with H.E. Mr. Joseph R. Biden, President of the United States of America, on 24 May 2022, in Tokyo. The meeting resulted in substantive outcomes which will add depth and momentum to the bilateral partnership.

2. The meeting marks a continuation of the regular high-level dialogue between the two Leaders who met in-person in September 2021 in Washington D.C and interacted at the G20 and COP26 Summits thereafter. Most recently they had a virtual interaction on 11 April 2022.

3. The India-US Comprehensive Strategic Global Partnership is underpinned by a shared commitment to democratic values, rule of law, and a commitment to uphold a rules based international order. The Leaders expressed happiness with progress made across sectors in the bilateral agenda.

4. The two Leaders welcomed the signing of the Investment Incentive Agreement which enables the US Development Finance Corporation to continue providing investment support in India in sectors of shared priority such as healthcare, renewable energy, SMEs, infrastructure etc.

5. Both sides launched an India-U.S. Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) to facilitate outcome-oriented cooperation. Co-led by the National Security Council Secretariat in India and the U.S. National Security Council, iCET would forge closer linkages between government, academia and industry of the two countries in areas such as AI, quantum computing, 5G/6G, biotech, space and semiconductors.

6. Noting that defence and security cooperation is a crucial pillar of the India-US bilateral agenda, both sides discussed how they can further strengthen collaboration. In this context Prime Minister invited the US industry to partner with India to manufacture in India under the Make in India and Aatma Nirbhar Bharat or self-reliant India programmes which can be of mutual benefit to both countries.

7. Taking forward their growing collaboration in the health sector, India and USA extended the longstanding Vaccine Action Programme (VAP) until 2027 to continue joint biomedical research which had resulted in development of vaccines and related technologies.

8. To bolster the strong people to people linkages between the two countries, Prime Minister called for strengthening higher education collaborations which can be of mutual benefit.

9.The Leaders exchanged views on regional issues of mutual interest including South Asia and in the Indo-Pacific region, reaffirming their shared vision for a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region.

10.Prime Minister welcomed the launch of Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) and stated that India is ready to work closely with all partner countries to shape a flexible, and inclusive IPEF taking into consideration the respective national circumstances.

11. The Leaders agreed to continue their useful dialogue and pursue their shared vision of taking the India-US partnership to a higher level.
 

India and the U.S. Navigate Their Differences​

Key Takeaways​

The ministers met for the fourth edition of the 2+2 defense and foreign policy dialogue that began during the Trump administration. Arguably the most important outcome was the two sides’ ability to navigate differences over Russia and the Ukraine crisis.

Rather than sanctioning India for its legacy reliance on Russian military hardware, it is better for the U.S. to show that it is a superior alternative.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in April hosted their Indian counterparts, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and Defense Minister Rajnath Singh. The ministers met for the fourth edition of the 2+2 defense and foreign policy dialogue that began during the Trump administration.

The talks were preceded by a virtual meeting between President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the two countries celebrated 75 years of diplomatic relations. The dialogue was largely successful, if not entirely groundbreaking. What was achieved may have been less important than what was avoided: a diplomatic rupture over the Russia-Ukraine crisis.

At the 2+2, both sides offered lofty rhetoric about the health and future of India-U.S. ties. “There’s virtually no domain on which we are not cooperating with each other,” Jaishankar declared. Austin called the relationship the “cornerstone of security in the Indo-Pacific.” Singh signaled India’s happiness with the numerous “foundational” military agreements signed in recent years, insisting the two sides would “double up capabilities across conventional and emerging defense domains.” Readouts of the discussions noted the two militaries are operating “closely together across all domains” and would “jointly meet the challenges of this century.”

Perhaps the most interesting takeaway from the meeting was a proposal to “explore possibilities of utilizing Indian shipyards for repair and maintenance of ships of the U.S. Maritime Sealift Command to support mid-voyage repair of U.S. Naval Ships.” Beyond that, the dialogue produced a handful of modest but positive developments. These included an agreement to cooperate on space situational awareness as well as the launching of a new Defense Artificial Intelligence Dialogue. They also involved commitments to joint service engagements to support high-end combined operations; to the co-production of air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles; and to expanded joint cyber training and exercises.

India also announced that it would join Combined Maritime Forces Bahrain, a “multinational maritime partnership, which exists to uphold the Rules-Based International Order by countering illicit non-state actors on the high seas and promoting security, stability, and prosperity.”

Arguably the most important outcome was the two sides’ ability to navigate differences over Russia and the Ukraine crisis. India and the U.S. have never seen eye-to-eye on Russia, but Putin’s invasion has brought their quiet disagreements to the forefront.

Some U.S. commentators cried foul when India voted repeatedly to abstain from criticizing Russia at the United Nations for its conduct in Ukraine. They called into question India’s credentials as a democratic member of the Quad while it continued to import Russian oil and gas.

The U.S. government, however, has adopted a more flexible approach. It recognizes that most of India’s legacy military hardware is of Russian origin. The Indian government believes it can ill afford to alienate its top defense supplier while its border dispute with China grows more violent and volatile. The U.S. government also recognizes that, in the subtle language of diplomacy, India’s position has shifted from stoic neutrality to criticism of Russia’s actions —- without naming Moscow explicitly.

In a break from its early statements on the crisis, the Indian government is now denouncing violations of international law, sovereignty, and territorial integrity in Ukraine. New Delhi has also condemned the horrific killing of civilians in Bucha and, unusually for India, called for an international inquiry into the atrocity. “All these statements, without naming [Russia], are clearly aimed at indicating unhappiness towards what Russia has done,” explained former Indian Permanent Representative to the United Nations Syed Akbaruddin. Modi has also spoken to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy twice. Modi is rumored to have signaled India’s opposition to the war in direct conversations with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

The Bucha killings in particular may have marked a turning point in Indian public opinion. With several Indian reporters in Ukraine broadcasting images of the horrors back home, the Indian press has engaged in unusually lively criticism of Russia’s actions in Ukraine. Some have questioned Moscow’s ability to remain a reliable supplier, with Russia’s own military industrial base being drained by the Ukraine conflict. Others are increasingly unnerved by Russia’s deepening embrace of China and Moscow’s neutrality during recent flare-ups at the China-India border.

Arguably the only time Russia has notched a victory in Indian public opinion is when the U.S. government has been perceived as threatening or lecturing India over Ukraine. A trip to New Delhi by Deputy National Security Advisor Daleep Singh earlier this month ruffled feathers when he was quoted threatening “consequences” for any Indian attempts to evade U.S. sanctions while importing Russian energy.

This month, the White House sought to clear the air. When asked if, during a pre-meeting phone call, Biden had pressured Modi to reduce Russian oil imports, a White House spokeswoman noted Russian energy represents only 1%-2% of total Indian energy imports, adding: “They’re not violating any sanctions by importing oil. It’s a decision we made to stop importing oil. Different countries have their own calculation.”

Meanwhile, on the defense relationship with Russia, Blinken explained that India developed those ties “at a time when the U.S. was not able to be a partner to India. Times have changed. Today we are able and willing to be a partner of choice with India across virtually every realm.”

In the spectrum of U.S. interests at stake with India, the Indo-Pacific, the Quad, and the China challenge outrank the country’s legacy ties with Russia. There is little merit to creating a rift with New Delhi over a war India opposes and whose outcome it is unable to affect. Rather than sanctioning India for its legacy reliance on Russian military hardware, it is better for the U.S. to show that it is a more reliable and superior alternative as India continues the important but sluggardly process of weaning itself off Russian arms. The April 2+2 was a step forward in the right direction.
 
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Explainer: India-US space situational awareness agreement 2022​

The India-US space situational awareness agreement


The India-US space situational awareness agreement will complement India's deterrence efforts vis a vis China and Pakistan.

The India-US space situational awareness agreement: Cooperation in the spheres of defence, intelligence, and trade is a useful indicator of geopolitical alignments. If this statement is true, then the cooperation in emerging subsectors of the same gives a much clearer picture of how the geopolitical alignments will shape in the future. In April 2022, India and the USA signed the bilateral Space Situational Agreement (SSA) in the 2+2 meeting held in Washington DC. The Indian delegation was led by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and the External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar whereas the U.S delegation was led by US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin and State Secretary Antony Blinken.

The meeting took place against the backdrop of the Ukraine crisis. One import of the signing of the SSA between India and the USA is that whatever be the Indian stance during the current crisis between Russia and Ukraine, the future will see India tilting towards the US rather than Russia – not because the 2+2 meeting took place, but because of the increasing cooperation between the two countries (India and the USA) in emerging sectors of defence and intelligence.

The India-US space situational awareness agreement
India has a large fleet of civilian communication and remote-sensing satellites and these assets provide key satellite-based functions such as geospatial data, telemedicine, banking, marine data and security functions. In more ways than one, India’s growing economy is going to depend increasingly on its space capabilities.

Potential adversaries to India that can impact its space capabilities through jamming, lazing, hacking, or spoofing, and they now also have an additional weapon in the form of ASAT, which can be destructive in space and for the economy on the ground. There is also no institutional deterrence mechanism against these capabilities as they are conducted as part of highly secretive operations

Does that mean that the ASAT race is a prisoner’s dilemma akin to an arms race? Probably not. India conducted its first ASAT test in 2019 dubbed “Mission Shakti”, becoming the fourth country to have these capabilities after USA, Russia, and China. India conducted Mission Shakti as a direct kinetic attack on its defunct satellite, at 300 km in the LEO, to ensure that there were no space debris left orbiting for too long. In comparison, China had conducted its 2007 ASAT test at an altitude of 865 km, resulting in huge debris.

According to the Indian government, India’s test was conducted to demonstrate anti-satellite capabilities, and meant as a deterrent to protect its space-based assets. The principle behind this is that if all spacefaring nations, or all relevant blocs, have ASAT capabilities, there should be lower chances of any one nation using them for destructive purposes.

India’s satellites in space
policy circle image

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There is no doubt that Indian security considerations vis a vis China and Pakistan led to the development of Mission Shakti, and it should be taken as given that India will continue to expand its fleet of civilian and military satellites. Recently, the Biden Administration’s pledge not to conduct destructive anti-satellite tests in space, but this might not deter Indian decision-making in this regard, as for India the main threat emanates from the ASAT capability of China.

After all, balance of power considerations do apply in the space as well. Nevertheless, India-US space situational awareness agreement will help India complement its deterrence and may gradually disincentivise India from conducting any direct action in space, alternately relying on the U.S as a partner to protect its strategic interests in space. The India-US space situational awareness agreement complements India’s deterrence capability and helps monitor and potentially prevent such incidences. Further, it can give India vital access to the U.S network of radars and sensors which can assist in risk mitigation related to the security of India’s space assets.

A Sneak Peek into the future of geopolitical partnerships
There have been many speculations regarding India’s geopolitical leanings amidst the Ukraine crisis. Some consider India taking a non-aligned stand, while others view India’s stance as reciprocal to Russia for its support to India on many occasions, including the Bangladesh Liberation War. The strategic realists consider the dependence of India over Russia for the procurement of military equipment (such as the S-400 missiles) and now, cheap oil, as reasons for India’s seemingly neutral, even benign stance towards Russia. However, the India-US space situational awareness agreement is a strong indicator that the future of geopolitical cooperation.

Space, like cybersecurity, is an emerging arena for geopolitical competition and national security. Even though Russia has fulfilled over 46% of India’s defence needs in the last five years, most of these imports have been restricted to procuring capabilities for conventional warfare. In emerging arenas of warfare and geopolitical competition such as space, India and Russia have had little to do with each other. If one were to look at the emerging sectors of defence partnerships, then India’s partnership with the US seems likely to occupy the mainstream in years to come.

In fact, the first rocket launched from Indian territory on 21 November 1963 was designed by NASA (Nike Apache). However, the first Indian owned satellite, named Aryabhata after the ancient mathematician and astronomer of the 5th century AD, was developed under a 1972 contract between the Soviet Academy of Science and the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).

Rakesh Sharma, India’s first space-faring astronaut was accompanied by a Soviet mission commander, Yuri Malyshev and flight engineer, Gennady Strekalov – all launched by the USSR made Soyuz T-11 rocket. Post this cooperative mission of 1984, in 1988 and 1991, Indian imaging satellites were launched by Vostok rocket – “the devices were too heavy to be carried by national launchers yet” (Korovkin, ORF).

After the disintegration of Soviet Russia, India essentially followed a dual policy of increasing western partnership and developing greater self-reliance in its space operations. Cooperation with Russia, for the most part, has been out of the picture. In 1995, Indian satellite IRS-1C by a Russian Molniya rocket was performed from Baikonur pad (leased by Russia from Kazakhstan), and this was the only cooperative launch between India and post-Soviet Russia to date.

For the Chandrayaan-2 mission, the Russian party did not provide the landing module in time, rescheduling the delivery first for 2013 and later for 2016 and India decided to develop the equipment needed for the mission on its own. The story of Russia-India cooperation in space has no honourable mentions since then.

On the other hand, India’s cooperation with the US in the space sector has been rapidly increasing and the India-US space situational awareness agreement is the next leap in this direction. The U.S. Strategic Command (USSTRATCOM) and its Space Surveillance Network infrastructure keeps a catalogue of satellites and debris through its global network of ground-based radars and sensing systems. They provide dynamic information regarding any collision events that may occur in space to all countries including Russia and China.

The U.S. Strategic Command’s Joint Space Operations Centre (JSpOC), which tracks space objects over 10 centimetres, has bilateral agreements with countries such as Canada, Australia, Japan, France, and Italy to provide notifications in case of any collision involving their space assets. Through the SSA agreement, India’s Defence space agency can gain further access to the said information and develop deeper cooperation with the U.S space command.

Further, the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) and its Network for Space Objects Tracking and Analysis (NETRA) project based in Bengaluru will receive data and information about space debris and collisions from the U.S space command located at the Vandenberg Air Force Base in California. India’s increasing cooperation with the U.S in the space sector may be complemented by stronger U.S participation in India’s military and commercial space programs.

It is likely that this partnership may extend in reinforcing India’s commitment to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and cooperation with other Quad members like Japan and Australia with whom the United States already has strong ties in space cooperation. The network effects of the space ties are such that cooperation with the United States in emerging frontiers is the choice with the greatest benefits and least costs. The United States enjoys network centrality in the space ecosystem and will be able to leverage the same for geopolitical cooperation from various countries through jointness with them in the field of emerging warfare such as space.
 

Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity: What IPEF holds for India​

The US-led Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) is strategically important for India for four reasons. First, it will enhance India’s economic engagement in the region, which was dented after India’s withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement. India’s last-minute withdrawal from RCEP was not seen in the right spirit by ASEAN and other RCEP members. The IPEF will help control the damage caused by the RCEP withdrawal as all the IPEF members save India and the US—Australia, Brunei, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam—are signatories to the RCEP.

Second, building resilient supply chains is one of the motives of the IPEF. India can consider members as alternative sources for its raw materials requirements. Malaysia could increase the supply of chips, whereas Australia can be a source of minerals for Indian industry. This could reduce India’s overdependence on China for these inputs. Covid-19 has already shown how detrimental it is for industry to rely on a single source for inputs. Therefore, increasing inputs trade with the IPEF members can provide a cushion against future supply shocks.

Third, it will also help India strengthen its ties with Australia. Though India has just signed an interim Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement with Australia in April 2022, there has been a change of government in Australia since. The bonhomie between the two countries that was there earlier needs nurturing by India. Engagements through the IPEF could provide a boost to India-Australia renewed ties.

Four, the IPEF can also support India’s renewed love for free trade agreements. IPEF membership is a testimony to India’s aggressive stance on bilateral and regional trade engagements. However, India needs to be cautious of what is achieved through this framework. There may be some slips that may affect India’s economic interests.

The IPEF is primarily a US-led initiative and, hence, mainly driven by its interests. Though the language of the joint statement of the framework was diluted to accommodate divergent views of other members, the fact-sheet of the framework and the on-the-record press call of the US give a glimpse of what it wants to achieve through this initiative (“The United States is an Indo-Pacific economic power, and expanding US economic leadership in the region is good for American workers and businesses—as well as for the people of the region,” a White House release reads). Therefore, there will always be a danger of IPEF becoming a medium for advancing US interests.

Amongst US interests, e-commerce and digital trade are the most prominent. The US intends to pursue, through this framework, exacting rules for the digital economy, including on cross-border data flows and data localisation. The chances are high that it will become another forum to raise and harbour US tech firms’ commercial interests. This is not in sync with India’s position on digital economy issues. India is in favour of retaining policy space on cross-border data flow. The regulatory framework pertaining to e-commerce is still evolving in India. The draft e-commerce policy published in 2018 is still not finalised. The Personal Data Protection Bill is also in Parliament. Thus, India cannot support binding rules on data flow and localisation.

The US could also use this framework to pressurise India on supporting a permanent moratorium on customs duties on electronic transmissions at the WTO. The WTO Ministerial Conference is scheduled for the second week of June, and the moratorium will surely be one of the issues that will come up for discussion. As of now, there is a temporary moratorium, and it gets extended every two years through Ministerial Conference decisions.

The IPEF is not proposed as an FTA by the US, though it talks about economic negotiations. It is a Catch 22 situation for India. In the absence of an FTA, WTO rules will not permit granting of preferential treatment amongst IPEF members. Without preferential market access, trade gains and resilient supply chains envisaged through this framework will not materialise. On the other hand, if it turns into an FTA, it will be majorly driven by US interests and eventually may become an FTA with US. Not to forget, despite growing synergy and trade, an FTA between US and India could not materialise because of divergences on key issues, such as IP, data flow, etc.

The 3Ts—Trust, Transparency, and Timeliness—mentioned by PM Modi during the launch ceremony are very important for the success of this initiative. Trust and transparency will be built only if members, particularly the US, accommodate each other’s interests. If achieved, both of these will lead to timely delivery of the intended outcome. If the US is not accommodative and driven by its own interests, the IPEF may not be a success.
 

India, US to expand defence ties in cyber, space domains; New Delhi to join West-led Bahrain-based naval force​

India crossed a Rubicon by agreeing to join the Combined Military Forces-Bahrain (CMF–Bahrain) as an associate member following a summit meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden, who said he is committed to making India-US ties the “closest on the planet”.

They also committed to deepen their ‘Major Defence Partnership’ by expanding cooperation in new domains, including space and cyber, and launching a dialogue on Artificial Intelligence this year.

The two leaders also resolved to encourage greater economic engagement and expand their partnership on health, pandemic, and critical and emerging technologies, said a White House statement.

“India-US ties are in true sense a partnership of trust,” PM Modi told Biden, adding that “our common interest and shared values have strengthened”.

Biden condemned Russia’s “unjustifiable” war against Ukraine and while PM Modi refrained from doing so, both committed to humanitarian assistance, and discussed how to cooperate to manage disruptions caused by the conflict, in particular the rise in energy and food prices.

The two leaders touched in detail on cooperation in critical technologies, an area of acute interest to India. Both sides have acknowledged its importance with the launch of a US-India Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which plans to join six of India’s technology innovation hubs to support at least 25 joint research projects this year. The areas, to begin with, are AI and data science.

President Biden welcomed India’s decision to join the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, and expressed confidence that India’s participation would help ensure an open, connected and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

They also touched on three areas which were finalised in Tokyo. The first is the establishment of the Indo-Pacific partnership for maritime domain awareness which will play a key role in preserving economic security (keeping an eye on illegal Chinese fishing) and in responding to humanitarian crises. The second is a pact to enable the US development institution DFC to keep investing in Indian private sector-led projects in critical areas such as renewable energy, agriculture, health, and SME financing. The third is to expand collaboration in antimicrobial resistance, as well as diseases such as diabetes and cancer.

The two countries are also renewing the Indo-US Vaccine Action Programme, which since its establishment led to the manufacture of India’s first indigenous and low-cost vaccines, said the White House.

CMF-Bahrain
Also called the Combined Task Force 150 (CTF-150), it is a West-led 34-nation coalition to monitor, board, inspect, and stop suspect shipping to pursue the ‘Global War on Terrorism’ and in the Horn of Africa region. India has sporadically participated in its operations as has Pakistan.

Operating since 1991, the rechristened CMF-Bahrain has intercepted illegal shipments of drugs, firearms and pirate ships. But it has also intervened in regional conflicts and faced embarrassment such as being forced to allow a consignment of North Korean missiles to sail through to Yemen after having boarded the ship amidst much publicity.

As an associate member, India will not have the rotating command nor get a front seat in some of the deliberations associated with operations.

What’s Combined Military Forces-Bahrain? US-backed coalition India joined on Quad sidelines​

India is 35th member of the maritime counterterrorism partnership that also includes Pakistan, Australia, Bahrain, Denmark, Egypt, France, Germany and Greece, among others.

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Naval helicopters | Representational image | indiannavy.nic.in
Naval helicopters | Representational image | indiannavy.nic.in
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New Delhi: India joined the US-backed Combined Military Forces-Bahrain (CMF-B) — a counterterrorism coalition aimed at protecting international waters — Tuesday as an associate member.

The announcement was made after US President Joe Biden met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the second in-person summit of the Quad — comprising India, the US, Japan and Australia.

India becomes the 35th member of the maritime partnership that also includes Australia, Bahrain, Denmark, Egypt, France, Germany, Greece, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Republic of Korea, Kuwait, the Netherlands and New Zealand.

The development comes a month after Defence Minister Rajnath Singh announced that India would join the CMF-B coalition, following the India-US 2+2.

What is CMF-B?

Established in 2001 with only 12 members, the coalition — then called the Combined Maritime Forces (CMF) — was formed as a coalition of regional and international like-minded partners to counter the threat of international terrorism and uphold the international rules-based order.

The United States Naval Forces Central Command (NAVCENT) was tasked with leading the then CMF in 2001.

Today, the CMF-B is primarily tasked with ensuring stability and security across 3.2 million square miles of international waters by acting against illegal non-state actors operating in vital sea lines of communication. Its scope has expanded from just counterterrorism to counternarcotics, countersmuggling operations, and suppressing piracy.

The coalition is headquartered in Bahrain, along with the NAVCENT and the 5th fleet of the US.

Other Asian members include Pakistan, the Philippines, Seychelles, Singapore and Malaysia.

Participation in the CMF-B is voluntary — it’s mandated neither by a political agreement nor a military one.

So far, India has been conducting similar anti-piracy missions on its own.

“With India now joining this grouping, it will operate in coordination with the CMF-B members,” a defence source told ThePrint. “Currently, India has two ships deployed round the clock between the Gulf of Aden and the Persian Gulf for anti-piracy and anti-smuggling operations.”

The details of India’s membership have yet to be worked out, the sources said.

“These will be finalised in due course of time,” a source added. “The modalities will map out how many ships India will deploy and whether they will start by deploying personnel.”

CMF-B task forces

The work of the CMF-B is divided into four combined task forces — the CTF 150, CTF 151, CTF 152, and CTF 153.

The CTF 150 focuses on ensuring maritime security in the Gulf of Oman and the Indian Ocean.

Participating nations have included Australia, Canada, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Netherlands, New Zealand, Pakistan, Spain, Saudi Arabia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Command of CTF 150 generally rotates between nations on a four-monthly basis. It’s currently being commanded by the Pakistan Navy.

CTF 151 focuses on counterpiracy. The CTF 152 aims to ensure maritime security in the Arabian Gulf (also known as Persian Gulf) and is currently being commanded by the Kuwait Navy.

The CTF 153 — which was established in April 2022 — focuses on ensuring maritime security in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, and is currently being commanded by the US Navy.

Pakistan has held the most commanderships of the CTF 150 and CTF 151, at 12 and 9 times, respectively.

As an associate member, India will reportedly not get command of the task forces’ and will also have a limited say in planning operations.

Structurally, the CMF-B is commanded by a US Navy vice-admiral. The vice-admiral also serves as the commander of NAVCENT and the US Navy’s 5th Fleet.

The deputy commander of the CMF-B is a commodore of the United Kingdom’s Royal Navy.