India's Foreign Policy : News, Views and Discussion

How new MEA study will help India build ‘regional transport network’ & tackle China BRI threat​

New Delhi: The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has commissioned an expansive study to map existing connectivity projects in the country’s Northeast region and India’s development assistance projects in neighbourhood countries Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, ThePrint has learnt.

Once completed, the study would enable the government to “identify how existing investments in India and outside India can be linked and leveraged to create a regional transport network”, a top official told ThePrint on condition of anonymity.

The North Eastern Development Finance Corporation Ltd (NEDFi), a government-run public financial institution, will carry out the study.

According to a second official, India now has a much greater focus on connectivity projects in the country’s Northeast and the neighbouring regions.

This is keeping in mind the country’s larger security interests, especially with the Chinese threat under President Xi Jinping’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ looming large over the neighbouring countries of Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Myanmar, the official said.

Under the Modi government, connectivity projects have become an integral part of India’s foreign policy, especially when it comes to the ‘Act East Policy’ as well as ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’.

Sources said the study is being conducted with “an eye on China” and the strengthening of a larger role being played by India in the northeastern states.

Ongoing projects and new initiatives

Some of India’s key projects in the Northeast — also involving the neighbouring countries — include the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project, the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway Project, and the Rhi-Tiddim Road Project. These have been ongoing for over a decade and are aimed at connecting India to Southeast Asia via Myanmar and Bangladesh.

Earlier this year, India also vowed to give a massive push to enhance infrastructure connectivity with Bangladesh.

In March, PM Modi and Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina virtually inaugurated the ‘Maitri Setu’, which allows the landlocked Northeast easy access to the Chittagong Port.

Beyond these projects, India is planning or executing several other proposals that are aimed at strengthening the country’s relationship with the neighbourhood.

While addressing the Indian Chamber of Commerce last, Foreign Secretary Harsh V. Shringla referred to the study as he noted the value of connectivity projects in India’s Northeast and beyond.

“We have also commissioned a study by the North Eastern Development Finance Corporation that will ‘map’ connectivity projects in northeastern India and Indian-supported connectivity projects in countries neighbouring this region. The idea is to identify synergies and possible growth corridors,” Shringla said.

India is also taking a number of public diplomacy initiatives in order to keep the focus on eastern and Northeast India intact.

“We have tried to increase our engagement with such stakeholders and partners through a number of public diplomacy initiatives,” Shringla said.

According to Shringla, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) is supporting a number of new Track 1.5 and Track 2 dialogues and conferences with a focus on enhancing India’s public diplomacy that will prove to be an added advantage in pushing the projects ahead.

Recent initiatives included a BIMSTEC-focused dialogue in Kolkata, a Kolkata-Dhaka Dialogue that brings together think tanks and academic institutions in India and Bangladesh; a ‘Nadi’ conference in Shillong that focuses on cooperation within the region, and a Kanchenjunga Dialogue based in north Bengal and Sikkim that has a BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal)-focus, the foreign secretary said.

‘India doing well in NE connectivity projects’
Rajiv Bhatia, a veteran diplomat and distinguished fellow at the think tank Gateway House, said the study may have been triggered by the fact that not many people are aware about the progress that India is making in developing a number of infrastructure connectivity projects in the Northeast.

“Due to lack of knowledge and understanding, we only tend to flag the mega projects and bring embarrassment to the country. Hence, such a study mapping the projects in that part of the country was highly needed. Contrary to popular perception, we have done a lot and achieved a lot in terms of connectivity in that region,” he added.

Lack of connectivity in this region has led to abysmal growth in trade. For instance, India’s land-based trade with Myanmar, across a 1,500km-long border in the Northeast region, is about the same as the country’s total trade with distant Nicaragua in Central America, according to a studyIndia’s New Approach to Regional Connectivity — by the Centre for Social and Economic Progress (CSEP).

“The first and most important driver of the new connectivity policy is a geostrategic response to China and its unprecedented linkages across the subcontinent. Breaking into what was India’s sphere of influence, Beijing has massively expanded its diplomatic, economic, and political footprint across South Asia,” the CSEP study said.

According to the study, in terms of infrastructure, over a dozen new Integrated Check Posts are being constructed or expanded to facilitate trade and mobility along the borders with Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Myanmar.

Bhatia added that the projects in the Northeast will get further impetus when the BIMSTEC Summit takes place in 2022, which is expected to witness the unveiling of a masterplan for connectivity.
 
 

India’s growing defence diplomacy footprint​

The Indian Navy has just concluded its multilateral naval exercise, ‘Milan’ in Vishakhapatnam, where for the first time, more than 40 navies from around the world, including the US Navy participated. Convened since 1995, the exercise this year was conducted in two phases—harbour phase (25-28 February) and sea phase (1-4 March). This flagship exercise has not only enabled the navy to develop professional relationships but also has become an important tool to project India’s soft military power.

The Milan exercise’s expanding size of participants and complexity of drills is symbolic of India’s expanding defence diplomacy imprint from West to Southeast Asia. This diplomacy includes a more advancednaval engagement, greater military exercises, and enhanced efforts for defence exports. As a result, they have improved interoperability with partner militaries, built partnerships, and earned diplomatic heft for India.

Engagement with Southeast Asia

A key driver for India’s defence diplomacy has been China’s persistent aggressiveness in the region, particularly in the South China Sea. In recent years, India has intensified collaboration with many Southeast Asian states. They, too, are keen to expand their security ties with India to balance China and bolster their maritime security.
The Milan exercise’s expanding size of participants and complexity of drills is symbolic of India’s expanding defence diplomacy imprint from West to Southeast Asia.
Significantly, most Southeast Asian states—Indonesia, Malaysia, Vietnam, Brunei, Singapore, Cambodia, Thailand, and Myanmar, participated in this year’s Milan exercise. Of these, Singapore, Thailand, and Indonesia had participated in the inaugural edition of the exercise in 1995. The Indian Navy has supported this engagement by participating in multilateral exercises in the region like the Indonesian Navy’s Komodo and the US-led Southeast Asia Cooperation and Training exercises. India is utilising this collaborative approach to stimulate defence exports and counter China, which has leveraged its defence supplies to entrench itself in the region.

Defence exports

The recent US $375 million Brahmos missiles deal with the Philippines—the first such export order for the missile—has come as a shot in the arm for India’s defence industry. Under the contract, India will provide three missile batteries to the Philippine Navy and potentially a follow-up order. With a target of US $5 billion for defence exports by 2024, India has intensified its efforts to sell weapons to Southeast Asia and Africa, where Chinese defence companies dominate. Due to such efforts, the exports have soared to INR 10,745 crores in 2018-19, from just INR 1,940.64 in 2014-15 (see table 1), although there is a long way to go.
Table 1: India’s defence exports
YearDefence exports (Rs. in crores)
2014-151,940.64
2015-162,059.18
2016-171,521.91
2017-184,682.36
2018-1910,745.77
2019-209,115.55
2020-218,434.84
Source: Ministry of Defence, Lok Sabha
Besides the measures to expand the domestic defence industrial base and boost exports, the government has strengthened the role of defence attaches located in Indian embassies abroad. The government has allocated them an annual budget of up to US$50,000 to promote Indian defence equipment in their respective markets. Moreover, to reinforce their sales pitch, the government has cleared multiple ‘Made-in-India’ equipment, including the Tejas combat aircraft and Astra missile for export to friendly countries.
Beyond exports, India has also helped its immediate neighbours to build their naval capability by donating and transferring equipment. This includes off-shore patrol vessels to Mauritius (2015), Sri Lanka (2018), Maldives (2019), and Seychelles (2021), as well as two Dornier aircraft to Seychelles (2013 & 2018). Although small, with these steps, India hopes to buttress its role as a ‘net security provider’ for the region.

Humanitarian Assistance

A key element of being a ‘net security provider’ is the ability to launch Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR) operations in the region. For long, India has been leading on the HADR operations front, as seen during the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, 2015 Nepal earthquake, and 2020 floods in Madagascar. Moreover, the acquisition of equipment like the INS Jalashwa transport dock and C17 transport aircraft in the last decade has empowered the Indian military to execute such operations.
Moreover, as extreme weather events in the region increase the propensity for natural disasters, particularly in the Bay of Bengal region, India is coordinating with partner countries to enhance its response mechanism. HADR remains an important focus area within the Quad, but India has also undertaken initiatives like the PANEX-21 exercise with the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) countries to envisage contingencies for such operations in the backdrop of the pandemic.

Building relationships on India’s West

Long viewed through the prism of its relations with Pakistan, India has now crafted a distinct partnership with the West Asian monarchies. Defence diplomacy has constituted a critical part of this relationship. When the region is witnessing epochal shifts with the Abraham Accords and a growing profile of China, India has advanced its security cooperation by focusing on naval engagement. For instance, in August 2021, India conducted back-to-back joint naval exercises with the United Arab Emirates (Zayed Talwar exercise), Bahrain (Maritime Partnership Exercise), and Saudi Arabia (Al-Mohed Al-Hindi exercise). Notably, the India-Saudi Arabia exercise was the first joint exercise between the two. Both countries have also had high-level military exchanges with respective army chiefs undertaking maiden visits—Indian Army Chief General MM Naravane in December 2020 and Chief of Saudi Arabia Land Forces, Commander Lt. Gen. Fahd Bin Abdullah Mohammed Al Mutair in February 2022.
HADR remains an important focus area within the Quad, but India has also undertaken initiatives like the PANEX-21 exercise with the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) countries to envisage contingencies for such operations in the backdrop of the pandemic.
Oman has served as an important anchor for India’s military engagement in the region. Besides the regular military exchanges between the two militaries, Oman has granted the Indian Navy access to the Duqm port for logistics and support. This has facilitated the navy’s sustained long-term presence in the western Indian Ocean, which for years has served as a hotspot for piracy. Though piracy incidents have declined lately, other challenges have emerged, like drug trafficking and illegal fishing, that demand maritime vigilance.

Tackling Afghan challenge

Since the return of the Taliban regime in August 2021, India has been working with its partners to contain the adverse fallout of the unstable security situation in Afghanistan. The inaugural India-Central Asia summit of January 2022 and the Regional Security Dialogue of November 2021 underlined India’s approach towards the Afghan challenge, focusing on preventing the spread of terrorism and drug trafficking. Towards this, India is exploring holding joint counter-terrorism exercises with interested Central Asian states, which will equip their respective security forces to deal with potential terrorist violence. Meanwhile, India has also taken a sympathetic view of the 80 Afghan cadets who recently graduated from different Indian military training institutions. New Delhi has now offered these stranded cadets a year-long training course under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation programme.

Conclusion

With a focus on containing the adverse regional fallout of the unfolding security situation in Afghanistan while simultaneously tackling the growing Chinese maritime assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific, India has increasingly leveraged its defence forces to shape regional diplomacy. These initiatives are helping India build a sustained cooperative engagement and create a web of partnerships throughout the region. Sustaining these partnerships will require India to invest more in its naval, expeditionary, and logistic capabilities.
 

India stands for global peace and democracy: Om Birla at Commonwealth Meet​

SILCHAR: Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla on Saturday said that India stands for global peace and democracy while speaking at the inaugural session of the mid-year Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Executive Committee meeting held in Assam’s Guwahati.

CPA Executive Committee is meeting physically after three years. Meetings in the past two years were conducted in virtual mode due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Delegates from 53 Commonwealth countries are taking part in the meeting while representatives of some other countries are attending through virtual medium.

The speaker said that international issues should be resolved through mutual dialogue and diplomacy. “International peace and stability are essential for global prosperity. Major issues should be solved through dialogue,” Birla said

Birla further said that Indian democracy is not only ancient but strong, mature and vibrant. Democracy is in thoughts and actions; it has become a way of life across the country.

“India has more than 90 crore active voters excercising their democratic rights. This country conducts elections in 800 parliamentary seats, over 4,000 assembly seats and 3 lakh panchayats shows that Indian democracy is functional, progressive and successful,” the Speaker said.

About celebrating 75th year of independence as Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsava, he said, “During these 75 years, our democracy has consistently strengthened itself. Trust in democracy amongst common people, has increased over the period of time.”

Referring to India’s concern regarding climate change, Birla said that the country is committed towards achieving the targets approved under COP26 (Glasgow). Mentioning initiatives like the International Solar Alliance, he expressed confidence about achieving the targets under the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030.

“The democratic institutions of the Commonwealth countries are capable of withstanding any challenge. The countries should work with the collective goal of welfare of humanity,” the speaker said.

Acting chairperson of CPA, Ian Liddell-Grainger, Assam governor Professor Jagadish Mukhi, speaker of Assam legislative assembly, Biswajit Daimary, chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma along with other dignitaries attended the opening ceremony on Saturday.

Chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma called this a historic moment for Assam. “This is the first time that the Mid-Year Executive Committee Meeting of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association is being held in India. And it is a proud moment that we are hosting it,” Sarma said.

Sarma mentioned that Assam legislative assembly is one of the oldest in India, second only to Uttar Pradesh assembly. It has witnessed many historic debates with several towering personalities adorning the temple of democracy and has passed many historic bills leading to unprecedented changes into people’s lives. The CPA meeting will be remembered by future generations, Sarma said.

Meeting of the executive committee of CPA International is scheduled on Sunday while the opening ceremony of India region meeting will be held on Monday in Guwahati.
 

Statement by Shri Piyush Goyal during the WTO 12th Ministerial Conference at the meeting with co-sponsors of TRIPS Waiver​

Following is the text of the Statement made by Union Minister of Commerce & Industry, Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution and Textiles, Shri Piyush Goyal during the 12th Ministerial Conference of the WTO in Geneva at the meeting with co-sponsors of TRIPS Waiver today:

“Engaging with the Developed world to try and find solutions, and I must commend him for his wonderful leadership and of H.E. Ms. Xolelwa, Ambassador of South Africa. I have been trying to get a sense of where this is heading, both in the various quadrilateral meetings, in my bilaterals with various ministers and governments and also in the green room. I have a few disturbing things to share with you, which I think is important that we are all on the same page before we take a final decision.

First of all, I do not think it matters very much whether the item 1 and 2 get finalized or no, my own sense is whatever language we want gradually we will get in item 1 and 2 here, because they are very keen to show to the world and to civil society, that we have pain in our heart for the developing countries, we care for Africa, we care for the Less developed countries, we care for developing world and they want to clear their chest of this allegation that the developed world is insensitive and inhuman to the concerns of the poor and vulnerable.

My own sense is right now and and the number of meeting that are being held and the number of green room engagements, the effort they are putting in, is more to showcase to the world that oh we found a wonderful solution we agreed with 80 countries or whatever to give a TRIPS waiver. Now the common man does not understand that this is nothing near a TRIPS waiver, common man does not understand that this is a little elevation from a compulsory licensing. But, the way the discussion were going on, the nitpicking and my colleague, the Ambassador from Egypt will also share because he was also in the room, also at the receiving end of several attacks on him for having raised his voice, but very clearly the effort there is to somehow take the burden or the obligation off their chest, get anything passed, but the nitpicking they are doing reflects that the insincerity and the fact that my own feeling is not a single factory, not one, will ever come up with the agreement that we are finally trying to negotiate and which may get approved.

The kind of fights over small commas, fullstops, one word here or there seem to suggest that this will continue through the 5 years, if anybody was to try and take the benefit of this agreement so that whoever makes such an effort will get frustrated and not a single plant to make manufacturing of vaccines will come with this.

Second, with great difficulty we got the period of 5 years but by the way we all know that by the time we get an investor, we get funds raised and draw plans, get equipment and set up a plant, it will probably take 2.5-3 years to do that. After that you will start producing and within two years you will have to bring down your exports to the normal compulsory license level and your capacity will remain idle. Today, in India we have vaccines which are expiring, we have the capacity of vaccines which is idling and therefore, investors will not be easy to come by for this.

Our hope and desire was that this will be the beginning and in 6 months they we will decide over therapeutic and diagnostics. I am sorry to share with you that in some bilaterals that I have had with the developed world and some of the countries who are opposing this in a way, they have almost clearly hinted and indicated that IP rights are extremely important, we are flowing with wind only because of the international pressure but on diagnostics and therapeutics there is no way we are going to yield.

Their expectation is very similar to what is written here that COVID-19 is increasingly being well managed and the issue will loose relevance, that is their hope. Their hope is unburden your chest of any guilt today, show the world we have been so magnanimous today, push the can down the road for therapeutic and diagnostics which are really now essential, vaccine story is almost over and even there, they have charged an arm and a leg to many of our countries. Where a vaccine in India gets produced for a $1.5, many parts of the world are paying $38 - $40 plus. Some of you have received donations, valuing the vaccine at $38 or $40 and making it out to be such a big favor to you. So, my own sense is that what we are getting is completely half baked and it will not allow us to make any vaccines, they have no intentions of allowing therapeutic and diagnostics and if at all they try to say that we are the cause for its collapse, I think we should unanimously speak to the world and tell them that no we ideally we want a holistic solution including therapeutic and diagnostics.

Vaccines have already lost relevance, 2 years they spent without giving a solutions and it is too late, not even a situation where you can say better late than never, its just too late there is no demand for vaccines anymore. So rather, let us pitch for the final decision, collective and holistic decision and not get conned into accepting a sub-optimal stage 1, knowing full well that the stage 2 will never happen.”
 

India’s Leadership at a time of South Asian Flux​

At a time of multiple global disruptions unfolding almost simultaneously, it is easy to forget that South Asia has always been a turbulent region. Political and economic challenges have continued unabated in a region that hosts around a quarter of the world’s population with simmering inter — as well as intra-State rivalries. The great powers have done their bit as well, further muddying the already opaque strategic waters by pitting one nation against the other. Not surprisingly, this has been the least integrated region of the world economically. India’s structural dominance and its overweening presence make it an easy target of resentment, but for external players, New Delhi’s inability to lead in the region has been a major source of bewilderment and often ridicule.

The unfolding economic and political crisis in Sri Lanka has once again underscored the challenges of South Asian governance. Corruption and malgovernance of the Sri Lankan political elites has exposed the vulnerabilities of an island nation that was seemingly doing rather well till a few years ago. The fall has been dramatic and the inability of the Sri Lankan political class to manage the crisis has been equally revealing. The fact that the two key players in the saga — the Rajapaksas and China — are today bereft of any support tell its own story about a model of economic governance that was once seen as the Chinese Communist Party’s great success story, to be emulated across the world.

Corruption and malgovernance of the Sri Lankan political elites has exposed the vulnerabilities of an island nation that was seemingly doing rather well till a few years ago.


Today, the Sri Lankan crisis is creating a new awareness in other South Asian nations about the vulnerabilities within their economic structures. The pandemic has accelerated economic deterioration in the region. Concerns have been expressed about the economic underpinnings of Nepal, though its external debt situation is not that serious. But it is political apathy and poor governance that are the real issues that needs tackling. Myanmar, reeling under western sanctions and pandemic-induced declining economic productivity, is facing serious troubles but the military junta remains adamant in further isolating itself, as exemplified by the execution of four pro-democracy activists this week. Even Bangladesh is seeking help from the IMF to ward off a potential economic crisis.

Pakistan, of course, has taken the challenge to another level with its political instability making it impossible to manage its dire economic crisis effectively. It has struck a deal with the International Monetary Fund for a $6 billion loan programme this month, but it needs $41 billion in foreign exchange over the next 12 months. For this, it will have to approach its friends such as China, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, all of whom are likely to pitch in but have so far refused to make concrete commitments. China, in particular, is already concerned about its CPEC projects that are going nowhere at the moment with popular discontent growing against them. Pakistan’s government remains unstable, unable to make any difficult choices as it faces Imran Khan’s political juggernaut. There is a gathering storm of political turmoil and economic distress that none of Pakistan’s traditional partners, least of all China, will be able to help in managing.

Amid this rising regional turmoil, India has a tough task ahead. It has to first ensure that its own economic fundamentals remain strong, and it continues to remain on an upward growth trajectory. The Indian economy cannot remain completely immune from global and regional economic trends and will have to navigate its way forward carefully.

At the same time, ignoring the troubles in its backyard is not really an option for New Delhi. As the crisis mounted in Sri Lanka, India was proactive in keeping the interests of the Sri Lankan people at the heart of its policy response. It committed $3.8 billion to Sri Lanka and supplied fuel, rations as well as over 44,000 metric tonnes of urea under a credit line to help Lankan farmers. China’s silence despite owning a large part of Sri Lankan debt and India’s very visible help at a time of great need are factors that will shape the contours of regional politics for some time to come.

Amid this rising regional turmoil, India has a tough task ahead. It has to first ensure that its own economic fundamentals remain strong, and it continues to remain on an upward growth trajectory.


At a time when South Asia is widely viewed as a central pillar of the wider Indo-Pacific maritime geography and when major power contestation is rising by the day, for many states in South Asia and beyond, this moment is a critical one. China is not going away but its future role will inevitably be reassessed. The contrast between Indian and Chinese responses is being registered globally. Underlining Sri Lanka’s indebtedness to China for infrastructural development, United States Agency for International Development administrator Samantha Power made it clear that “when the price of loans carries with it a profound infringement on sovereignty, it will be problematic” even as she saluted India “as a friend of the poor.”

India’s rise as a serious global player today allows it to leverage its role in mobilising multilateral institutions and other major powers to support its neighbours in tiding over the present crisis. New Delhi should do this with a sense of urgency and to some extent, it has already begun. New Delhi’s leadership during the Covid-19 crisis has generated a new sense of expectation and the multiple crises brewing in the neighbourhood should also be seen as an opportunity to project an India that takes its regional responsibilities with the seriousness they deserve.