India-US Relations

vstol Jockey

Professional
Dec 1, 2017
5,823
11,287
New Delhi
sir any evidence to this ?
Just check out the religious identity of the people behind this agitation and who supplied money to sustain it? These guys approached everyone from auto rickshaw drivers to lorry drivers to other local communities to join their protest but no one supported them. who funded them and got benefitted with the closure of this plant? Why did these protests start after the plant decided to double the production of copper and who is the largest consumer of copper in India? Does it have anything to do with reducing the capacity of Indian OFB to produce shells and bullets for Indian Armed Forces?
 

Sathya

Senior member
Dec 2, 2017
2,123
1,162
India
Just check out the religious identity of the people behind this agitation and who supplied money to sustain it? These guys approached everyone from auto rickshaw drivers to lorry drivers to other local communities to join their protest but no one supported them. who funded them and got benefitted with the closure of this plant? Why did these protests start after the plant decided to double the production of copper and who is the largest consumer of copper in India? Does it have anything to do with reducing the capacity of Indian OFB to produce shells and bullets for Indian Armed Forces?


I was not willing to believe any sides , so I am looking for info from both sides .
I have questioned few of friends about what pollutant sterlite is letting out.

xont know about sterlite but lot of unwanted strikes are being instigated nowadays ..

Neutrino lab proposed at underground site near forest. Is an example.
Even after looking up in net I still haven't find what danger it poses .

People have died to prevent construction.

I am thinking many more strike or instigations will follow.
 

Sathya

Senior member
Dec 2, 2017
2,123
1,162
India
did I not tell you that even these anti Sterlite protests have been engineered at the behest of US by Churches in India using US money.

Sir I ve enquirer my friend in Tuticorin,

It seems everything is genuine , no money distribution .
People assembled on their own.
Soil around the place are black it seems .
Sterlite website claims processed waste used for land fill...

2012 madras high court ordered for closure based on TN pollution control board & Neeri reports .. 2013 Supreme Court favoured Sterlite with 100 cr fine.

It s unfortunate mob violence took place in Collecterate . Shooting happened .
One police even shot a lady waiting for auto rickshaw at place not even in collectrate it seems. .

Even if it's US sponsored , we were the bomb waiting to be detonated.
I also try to look the business relation between sterlite and OFB ,.. Their site vaguely mentions defence sector too... Nothing specific on quantity.
 

Butter Chicken

Senior member
Dec 2, 2017
1,220
1,164
India mulls customs duty hike on 30 US products

India has now submitted a revised list of 30 items — including motor cycle, certain iron and steel goods, boric acid and lentils — to the WTO on which it proposes to raise customs duty by up to 50 per cent. As duties hiked by the US on certain steel and aluminium products would have implications of about USD 241 million on India, the raise in tariffs proposed by New Delhi too would have an equal implication on America.

“The US would be collecting $241 million worth of duties by hiking tariffs on certain steel and aluminium items from India, we also proposed to withdraw concessions of similar amount from these 30 products imported by India from the US,” a source said.

Earlier in May, India proposed to raise duties by up to 100 per cent on 20 products such as almonds, apple and specific motorcycles imported from the US.

The additional duty proposed to be hiked on these items ranges from 10 per cent to 100 per cent.

“The revision is being provided to adjust the products and the tariff rates in accordance with India’s rights reserved vide its notification to the Council for Trade in Goods contained in the WTO document…of May 18, 2018.
 

RISING SUN

Senior member
Dec 3, 2017
7,320
4,132
India decision to increase tariff on apples to hit US growers, say Congressmen
A bipartisan group of about a dozen influential lawmakers today said the recent Indian decision to increase tariff on apples from 50 percent to 80 percent would hurt growers of the fruit in America.

The lawmakers also alleged that India was abusing rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO).

On May 28, India notified the WTO that it plans to raise its tariff before June 21 on apples from the already very high level of 50 percent to 80 percent.

India describes this increased tariff as retaliation for the US Section 232 tariffs on aluminium and steel.


"In our view, India, like China and other countries, is abusing WTO rules by unilaterally retaliating in this way without authorisation, and we urge you to confront such abuses," a group of about a dozen Congressmen from Washington State alleged in a letter to US Trade Representative (USTR) Robert Lighthizer.

"As the second largest market to date this season, an 80 percent tariff on apples entering India would have a grave impact on Washington's growers," the lawmakers said.

For this season, more than 7.7 million boxes – valued at more than USD 118.3 million – have been shipped to India.

"We understand that around one million cartons of apples are currently on container ships en route to India. It is worth noting that this action will have a disproportionately high impact on the growers of Red Delicious – which has composed nearly 90 percent of Washington's apple exports to India this season,"

"India is the number one market for Washington's Red Delicious apples this season. With so much at stake, we urge the administration to make it a priority to prevent this additional 30 percent tariff from going into effect," the lawmakers said, urging the USTR to take up the matter with India.

Commerce and Industry Minister Suresh Prabhu is in the town for meetings with Lighthizer and other officials of the US government, lawmakers and members of the industry.

The letter dated June 11 was among others signed by lawmakers Cathy McMorris Rodgers, Dave Reichert, Chairman of the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, Suzan DelBene, Senator Maria Cantwell and a bipartisan group of Members of Congress from Washington State.

On June 5, in response to the administration's decision to impose steel and aluminium tariffs on several key allies, including Mexico, Mexico announced it will impose tariffs on a range of US agricultural products, including potatoes and apples.

Last year, Washington State potato growers exported over USD 37 million in frozen potatoes to Mexico.

And as the top export destination for apples, valued at approximately USD 215 million last season, Mexico is currently the second largest market for Washington's Red Delicious apples.

In fact, this season, Washington's apple growers have shipped over 10 million cartons of apples to Mexico, making up 27 percent of apple exports.

"As our trading partners take steps to restrict their markets to American exports, we urge the Administration to address these retaliatory actions that are harming our communities, constituencies, and local economies," the lawmakers wrote.

"The impact of these retaliatory actions on Washington's thriving agricultural industry would not only significantly affect the agricultural industry, but also workers, families, and small businesses throughout the state," they said.

The lawmakers urged the administration to make it a priority to negotiate a solution that shields "our speciality crop growers from retaliatory actions" in the form of tariffs or other barriers to trade.

Among other signatories are Senator Patty Murray, Congressmen Rick Larsen, Jamie Herrera Beutler, Dan Newhouse, Derek Kilmer, Adam Smith, and Denny Heck.
India decision to increase tariff on apples to hit US growers, say Congressmen
 

RISING SUN

Senior member
Dec 3, 2017
7,320
4,132
Now suddenly US is starting to feel the heat when India, China, Japan, Mexico, Canada and EU are imposing unilateral taxes & NTB on its products. That's the way if we have to secure our national interests.
 

Volcano

Senior member
Mar 11, 2018
1,840
1,637
India, Kerala

Looks like India joined Canada and EU in trade war.

US imposed tarrifs on Indian steel and aluminium worth 241 million USD. Indian tariffs are for exactly the same amount.
 

Butter Chicken

Senior member
Dec 2, 2017
1,220
1,164
Comcasa: India wants reliability assurance

Besides availability of equipment at all times, India wants it put down in the agreement that the US will not share data from Indian platforms with another country and nor will it access this data without prior permission. Also, the choice to upgrade would rest with India and not determined by the US.

The US, for its part, has put a standard Comcasa template on the table and has so far suggested that these assurances can be given at the political level.
But India, sources said, has told the US delegation led by US deputy assistant secretary of Defence Joe Felter that it would want these assurances as legally binding elements in the agreement. Washington will now work on details and revert.

 

RISING SUN

Senior member
Dec 3, 2017
7,320
4,132
Flying to US: Powdery substance over 350 grams not allowed in hand bag from next Saturday
From next Saturday (June 30) passengers flying to the United States may not be allowed to carry more than 12 ounce or about 350 grams of powdery substance in hand bags. The US Transportation Security Administration (TSA) has enacted this rule after a foiled attempt to put an improvised explosive device using powder explosives on a Gulf carrier in Australia last year. Airlines are advising US-bound flyers to put such things in check-in bags to avoid extra screening of the same and possibly being thrown if the security personnel are not sure what it is.

Air India has a number of daily nonstops from Delhi and Mumbai to US destinations + like New York, Newark, Chicago, Washington an San Francisco. United has a daily direct from Newark to Delhi and Mumbai. Delta will start flights to Mumbai next year. From next Saturday everyone traveling with powdery substances including dry spices, talcum or cosmetic powders will need to check them in if carrying more than 350 grams that stuff.

TSA says “powder-like substances greater than 12 ounce/350 ml must be placed in a separate bin for X-ray screening. They may require additional screening and containers may need to be opened. For your convenience, we encourage you to place non-essential powders greater than 12 ounce in checked bags.”

Airlines have accordingly started advising passengers.

Singapore Airlines says on its website in a June 18 post: “Additional security measures for non-stop US-bound flights: TSA may require customers travelling on non-stop flights to US to undergo enhanced security measures. Such checks may include the inspection of powder-like substances where powder-like substances that are 12 ounce (350ml) or larger will not be allowed for carriage in the cabin. Customers are advised to place such items in their checked baggage.”

“Medically-prescribed powder-like substances, baby formula, human remains and duty-free powder containers inside a properly sealed secure tamper evident bag (STEB) may be brought into the cabin. Customers are advised to proceed to the boarding gates early to allow sufficient time for the enhanced security measures,” Singapore Airlines says.

American Airlines’ website says: “Carry-on restriction: powder-like substances. For international travel to the US, powder-like substances over 12 ounce/350 ml should be placed in checked bags. Powders over 12 ounce/350 ml in carry-on bags may be prohibited. Effective June 30, 2018.”
Flying to US: Powdery substance over 350 grams not allowed in hand bag from next Saturday - Times of India
 

RISING SUN

Senior member
Dec 3, 2017
7,320
4,132
US May Block Sale Of Armed Drones As India Is Buying Arms From Russia

India's acquisition of the state-of-the art Russian S-400 ballistic missile shield could come at the cost of getting access to cutting-edge US military equipment like Predator drones.

In an exclusive interview to NDTV, William Thornberry, the Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, said, "The acquisition of this technology will limit, I am afraid, the degree with which the United States will feel comfortable in bringing additional technology into whatever country we are talking about."

Mr Thornberry, who oversees the Pentagon, all US Military Services and the US Department of Defence agencies, said the acquisition of the Russian system ''threatens our ability to work interoperably in the future."

Significantly, India's decision to go ahead with a Rs. 40,000 crore-deal with Russia for S-400 batteries could come in the way of India acquiring US-built Predator drones which could have been used in operations against terrorist launch-pads along the Line of Control with Pakistan.

The S400 missile system can hit aircraft over 300 km away and intercept incoming missiles.

Last month, the Trump administration had cleared the export of armed, unmanned drones to close strategic partners such as India. According to Mr Thornberry, "This is one of the areas where the acquisition of the Russian anti-aircraft system will make the acquisition of that technology somewhat more difficult."

The US also wants India to sign the Communications Compatibility and Security Arrangement (COMCASA) and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA) to take their bilateral strategic partnership + to the next level, with an eye firmly on China’s “aggressive” moves in the Indo-Pacific region.

India maintains a close military relationship with both the United States and Russia but it is Russia which has provided the bulk of India's military weapons systems over several decades. Earlier this year, the United States passed the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) against Russia for allegedly getting involved in the US election process. This means that the United States could technically place sanctions even on close partner nations such as India for acquiring Russian weaponry.

However, Mr Thornberry has pointed out that while the US is disappointed with India's new military acquisition from Russia, sanctions against New Delhi were unlikely at the present stage. Neither will there be an India-specific exemption to CAATSA. "In the legislation that passed the house just last Thursday, there was additional flexibility in the law for nations that have historical ties and thus Russian equipment" said Mr Thornberry who added that "there will be some additional flexibility that will not just be limited to India but there are other countries that fall into that category".

India to ignore US sanctions on Iran, Venezuela: minister

NEW DELHI: India will keep trading with Iran and Venezuela despite the threat of fallout from US sanctions against the two countries, Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj said Monday.

Swaraj, asked at a news conference whether US action against Iran and Venezuela would damage India, said the country would not make foreign policy “under pressure.”

US President Donald Trump this month withdrew from the Iran nuclear deal and ordered the reimposition of sanctions suspended under the 2015 accord.

Washington has also tightened sanctions against Venezuela over the controversial re-election of President Nicolas Maduro.
Both countries are key oil suppliers to India and the United States has warned that foreign companies which deal with Iran could themselves be punished.

But Swaraj said New Delhi did not believe in “reactionary” policies and would not be dictated to by other countries.

“We don’t make our foreign policy under pressure from other countries,” she told a news conference.
“We believe in UN sanctions but not in country-specific sanctions.”

Swaraj’s comments came just before a meeting with her Iranian counterpart Mohammad Javad Zarif in New Delhi.
Bilateral trade between India and Iran amounted to $12.9 billion in 2016-17. India imported $10.5 billion worth of goods, mainly crude oil, and exported commodities worth $2.4 billion.

India has other interests in Iran, in particular a commitment to build the port of Chabahar on the Gulf of Oman.
The port is being touted as a way for India to establish trade routes that bypass rival Pakistan.

Media reports have speculated India could revive a rupee-rial payment arrangement with Iran to shield exporters from the heat of US sanctions.
Swaraj also said India would continue trading with Venezuela, but there was no plan to use its local cryptocurrency in oil trade.
India is using counter offer to have the resources from both ends which is display of India's diplomacy.
 

RISING SUN

Senior member
Dec 3, 2017
7,320
4,132
Amid trade war, India offers to buy 1,000 planes, more oil from US
Amid the ongoing trade war, India is seeking to buy peace with the US by offering to order nearly 1,000 civilian aircraft over the next 7-8 years and step up oil and gas purchase from the world's largest trader. This was conveyed by commerce minister Suresh Prabhu to his US counterpart during their talks last week.

On Sunday, assistant US trade representative Mark Linscott will begin discussions here with commerce ministry officials as both sides try to find solutions to problems on the trade front. India is trying to convince the US that its reciprocal tariffs are part of a WTO-sanctioned right after the US took the first step with steel and aluminium duties. India is keen to see some resolution before the 2+2 talks + between foreign minister Sushma Swaraj and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman and their US counterparts - secretary of state Mike Pompeo and defence secretary James Mattis, respectively - in Washington on July 6.

India has calculated that it will be paying about $5 billion a year for aircraft and about $4 billion for purchase of oil and gas from the US. This is apart from defence purchases where India is now looking at buying 12 more naval surveillance aircraft P8i. India is now the largest owner of these aircraft outside the US.

India and the US are working on the next foundational agreement - the communications compatibility and security agreement - which may be inked in the coming months. This comes after the logistics exchange memorandum of agreement was operationalised last year, leaving only the basic exchange and cooperation agreement to be signed between the two countries.

Sitharaman will also make a visit to the US's recently renamed Indo-Pacific Command in Hawaii. While the defence and security relationships have improved enormously, some gaps still remain. According to Indian officials, these could get wider if the US were to slap CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act) sanctions on India for buying defence equipment from Russia. That is likely to dominate discussions during the coming dialogue.
Amid trade war, India offers to buy 1,000 planes, more oil from US - Times of India
 

A Person

Well-Known member
Dec 1, 2017
733
728
A Place
Friendly fire: The curious case of US sanctions on India

Determined to punish Russia for interfering in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, last August Congress passed the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). The bipartisan legislation requires the president to sanction foreign and domestic entities doing business with Russia’s defense and intelligence sectors.​
Congress’s intentions were noble. Russia should pay a price for meddling in America’s democratic process. Unfortunately, the way CAATSA was drafted it threatens to penalize not just Russia, but India and the promising U.S.-India partnership as well. That is, unless lawmakers move quickly to forestall this misguided burst of friendly fire.​
CAATSA orders the president to sanction any person who engages in a “significant transaction” (left undefined) with Russia’s defense or intelligence establishment. The president must impose “five or more” sanctions per individual, drawing from a list of potential actions that includes: prohibiting government loans or grants over $10 million, opposing loans from international financial institutions, blocking assets, and revoking visas.​
Peculiarly, it appears the bill’s drafters never foresaw that key American partners like India were likely to be ensnared in CAATSA sanctions. Nor did they envision that even the threat of sanctions might pollute the diplomatic atmosphere or threaten some of the goodwill built with the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the past four years.​
Like Vietnam, another Indo-Pacific country the U.S. has been courting, India still relies heavily on Russia for defense hardware. Much of its legacy military platforms are of Soviet origin, requiring costly maintenance and upkeep. New Delhi also continues to pursue new arms deals with Moscow, including a pending multibillion-dollar deal for advanced S-400 air defense systems.​
Since the end of the Cold War India has come a long way toward diversifying its defense suppliers, with the U.S. serving as the principal beneficiary. Over the past decade India has purchased roughly $15 billion in U.S. defense equipment. According to the SIPRI database, from 2008 to 2012 Russia provided 79% of India’s arms imports while the U.S. accounted for only 2.7%. Over the next five-year period, Russia’s share plunged to 62%, while America’s share grew over five-fold to 15%.​
India should be encouraged to continue weaning itself off Russian hardware. But no credible expert thinks it’s reasonable to demand that India halt defense trade with Russia immediately and indefinitely. None believes India could do so without seriously undermining its national security.​
Recognizing this, Defense Secretary James Mattis sought a traditional national security waiver from Congress that would have given the administration some strategic flexibility with India on CAATSA sanctions. The request was denied. As Capitol Hill aides confide, the legislation was written in a manner specifically designed to “tie the hands of the administration” on Russia sanctions. The bar for any waiver or delay was set particularly high.​
CAATSA does allow for a presidential waiver, subject to congressional review but the terms are too onerous to be meaningful. Among other things the president must certify “the government of the Russian Federation has made significant efforts to reduce the number and intensity of cyber intrusions conducted by the government.” In other words, likely a non-starter.​
CAATSA also contains a renewable six-month delay provision (not subject to congressional review) that the president can exercise if he or she can certify the target of sanctions is “substantially reducing the number of significant transactions” with Russia’s defense and intelligence sectors. However, “substantial reduction” is undefined and a cycle of continuous delays could ensure the subject remains a recurring bilateral irritant.​
Finally, the president may terminate sanctions if they notify Congress: (1) the person is no longer engaging in the sanctionable activity or has taken significant verifiable steps toward stopping the activity, and (2) they have received reliable assurances that the person will not knowingly engage in similar activity in the future. India’s geopolitical sensibilities and the reality of its defense profile and requirements make such reassurances unlikely.​
Ultimately, these are sub-optimal solutions for a problem that Congress admits it never wanted. For over a decade Washington has been trying to convince Delhi to shed the constraints of its Non-Alignment past—to persuade it that a partnership with America would in no way erode its prized autonomy and independence. For the most part, the U.S. has backed that pledge with action, carving out a panoply of special exemptions for India and demonstrating flexibility when their interests have diverged.​
CAATSA risks undermining these long-term efforts at trust-building. Indeed, the very discussion surrounding these sanctions has already provided American skeptics in Delhi ample ammunition, while offering Russia a convenient narrative about America’s capriciousness. The more Delhi fears it can be subjected to U.S. sanctions randomly and haphazardly, the more it will view the U.S. as an unreliable defense partner.​
There’s at least one potential legislative remedy in sight. Even as the administration continues to push for a traditional national security waiver, the House version of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) contains an amendment that would expand the president’s flexibility to apply (or not apply) CAATSA sanctions. An attempt to insert a different fix in the Senate version of the NDAA failed. Legislators will now have to reconcile the two bills in conference committee. While contemplating the House amendment and additional legislative remedies, Congress should carefully consider the geopolitical stakes and the tremendous investments Washington and Delhi have made in this relationship.​
Punishing Russia for its electoral chicanery makes a great deal of sense. CAATSA, by contrast, could end up punishing a key U.S. partner while handing Russia an unexpected victory. At a time Delhi and Moscow have grown increasingly estranged, Russia would like nothing more than to drive a wedge between the two democracies. Congress, the ball is in your court.​
Jeff M. Smith is a research fellow at The Heritage Foundation; Bharath Gopalswamy is the Director of the South Asia Center at the Atlantic Council
 
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Aravind

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Dec 5, 2017
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Amid trade war, India offers to buy 1,000 planes, more oil from US
Amid the ongoing trade war, India is seeking to buy peace with the US by offering to order nearly 1,000 civilian aircraft over the next 7-8 years and step up oil and gas purchase from the world's largest trader. This was conveyed by commerce minister Suresh Prabhu to his US counterpart during their talks last week.

On Sunday, assistant US trade representative Mark Linscott will begin discussions here with commerce ministry officials as both sides try to find solutions to problems on the trade front. India is trying to convince the US that its reciprocal tariffs are part of a WTO-sanctioned right after the US took the first step with steel and aluminium duties. India is keen to see some resolution before the 2+2 talks + between foreign minister Sushma Swaraj and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman and their US counterparts - secretary of state Mike Pompeo and defence secretary James Mattis, respectively - in Washington on July 6.

India has calculated that it will be paying about $5 billion a year for aircraft and about $4 billion for purchase of oil and gas from the US. This is apart from defence purchases where India is now looking at buying 12 more naval surveillance aircraft P8i. India is now the largest owner of these aircraft outside the US.

India and the US are working on the next foundational agreement - the communications compatibility and security agreement - which may be inked in the coming months. This comes after the logistics exchange memorandum of agreement was operationalised last year, leaving only the basic exchange and cooperation agreement to be signed between the two countries.

Sitharaman will also make a visit to the US's recently renamed Indo-Pacific Command in Hawaii. While the defence and security relationships have improved enormously, some gaps still remain. According to Indian officials, these could get wider if the US were to slap CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act) sanctions on India for buying defence equipment from Russia. That is likely to dominate discussions during the coming dialogue.
Amid trade war, India offers to buy 1,000 planes, more oil from US - Times of India
As @Milspec
mentioned we are going into a buying more, not to upset your lords relationship. The drones,Apaches were part of it.

"While we do a daily diarrhea on our homegrown production and why. US made bullets are lighter over our Ordinance Factory ones!"
 

Aravind

Wolfpack
Dec 5, 2017
1,153
1,247
Badacow7
Friendly fire: The curious case of US sanctions on India

Determined to punish Russia for interfering in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, last August Congress passed the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). The bipartisan legislation requires the president to sanction foreign and domestic entities doing business with Russia’s defense and intelligence sectors.​


Congress’s intentions were noble. Russia should pay a price for meddling in America’s democratic process. Unfortunately, the way CAATSA was drafted it threatens to penalize not just Russia, but India and the promising U.S.-India partnership as well. That is, unless lawmakers move quickly to forestall this misguided burst of friendly fire.​


CAATSA orders the president to sanction any person who engages in a “significant transaction” (left undefined) with Russia’s defense or intelligence establishment. The president must impose “five or more” sanctions per individual, drawing from a list of potential actions that includes: prohibiting government loans or grants over $10 million, opposing loans from international financial institutions, blocking assets, and revoking visas.​


Peculiarly, it appears the bill’s drafters never foresaw that key American partners like India were likely to be ensnared in CAATSA sanctions. Nor did they envision that even the threat of sanctions might pollute the diplomatic atmosphere or threaten some of the goodwill built with the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi over the past four years.​

Like Vietnam, another Indo-Pacific country the U.S. has been courting, India still relies heavily on Russia for defense hardware. Much of its legacy military platforms are of Soviet origin, requiring costly maintenance and upkeep. New Delhi also continues to pursue new arms deals with Moscow, including a pending multibillion-dollar deal for advanced S-400 air defense systems.​

Since the end of the Cold War India has come a long way toward diversifying its defense suppliers, with the U.S. serving as the principal beneficiary. Over the past decade India has purchased roughly $15 billion in U.S. defense equipment. According to the SIPRI database, from 2008 to 2012 Russia provided 79% of India’s arms imports while the U.S. accounted for only 2.7%. Over the next five-year period, Russia’s share plunged to 62%, while America’s share grew over five-fold to 15%.​

India should be encouraged to continue weaning itself off Russian hardware. But no credible expert thinks it’s reasonable to demand that India halt defense trade with Russia immediately and indefinitely. None believes India could do so without seriously undermining its national security.​


Recognizing this, Defense Secretary James Mattis sought a traditional national security waiver from Congress that would have given the administration some strategic flexibility with India on CAATSA sanctions. The request was denied. As Capitol Hill aides confide, the legislation was written in a manner specifically designed to “tie the hands of the administration” on Russia sanctions. The bar for any waiver or delay was set particularly high.​


CAATSA does allow for a presidential waiver, subject to congressional review but the terms are too onerous to be meaningful. Among other things the president must certify “the government of the Russian Federation has made significant efforts to reduce the number and intensity of cyber intrusions conducted by the government.” In other words, likely a non-starter.​

CAATSA also contains a renewable six-month delay provision (not subject to congressional review) that the president can exercise if he or she can certify the target of sanctions is “substantially reducing the number of significant transactions” with Russia’s defense and intelligence sectors. However, “substantial reduction” is undefined and a cycle of continuous delays could ensure the subject remains a recurring bilateral irritant.​

Finally, the president may terminate sanctions if they notify Congress: (1) the person is no longer engaging in the sanctionable activity or has taken significant verifiable steps toward stopping the activity, and (2) they have received reliable assurances that the person will not knowingly engage in similar activity in the future. India’s geopolitical sensibilities and the reality of its defense profile and requirements make such reassurances unlikely.​

Ultimately, these are sub-optimal solutions for a problem that Congress admits it never wanted. For over a decade Washington has been trying to convince Delhi to shed the constraints of its Non-Alignment past—to persuade it that a partnership with America would in no way erode its prized autonomy and independence. For the most part, the U.S. has backed that pledge with action, carving out a panoply of special exemptions for India and demonstrating flexibility when their interests have diverged.​

CAATSA risks undermining these long-term efforts at trust-building. Indeed, the very discussion surrounding these sanctions has already provided American skeptics in Delhi ample ammunition, while offering Russia a convenient narrative about America’s capriciousness. The more Delhi fears it can be subjected to U.S. sanctions randomly and haphazardly, the more it will view the U.S. as an unreliable defense partner.​

There’s at least one potential legislative remedy in sight. Even as the administration continues to push for a traditional national security waiver, the House version of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) contains an amendment that would expand the president’s flexibility to apply (or not apply) CAATSA sanctions. An attempt to insert a different fix in the Senate version of the NDAA failed. Legislators will now have to reconcile the two bills in conference committee. While contemplating the House amendment and additional legislative remedies, Congress should carefully consider the geopolitical stakes and the tremendous investments Washington and Delhi have made in this relationship.​

Punishing Russia for its electoral chicanery makes a great deal of sense. CAATSA, by contrast, could end up punishing a key U.S. partner while handing Russia an unexpected victory. At a time Delhi and Moscow have grown increasingly estranged, Russia would like nothing more than to drive a wedge between the two democracies. Congress, the ball is in your court.​

Jeff M. Smith is a research fellow at The Heritage Foundation; Bharath Gopalswamy is the Director of the South Asia Center at the Atlantic Council
It is a case of Sama.Dana,Danda,Bheda
James Mattis does f*ck care about India or the world. He is just signalling to Opposition to vote out this bill.
We all know this example in our native tongues "Good Cop and Bad cop" That is what President Trump is following. He will push everyone to the brink, to see where they crack and then he will back off from that backing point. Just like the case of North Korea where he spread the "Fire and Annihilation" threat and then made a "Best Friends Ever" with Kim Jong un. So this CAATSA is about pushing India to decide alliances, Trump is asking us to choose a side, which India was neutral. He wants to know where this Alliance will go to. The recent Human Rights reports about India from Western Media point out to it, the foreign hand that is starting all kinds of problems is Western, Starting from this Italian Gandhi, who wants to make her son a PM. Well she has her reasons as Mother and expecting her son to take the helm.

What Liberandus and Globalists see as their upset for global plans is because of the unpredictability, to the pattern of President Trump. While i see a pattern, because i learnt from it everyday.

1)If President Trump wants India to side with him, then he has to make sure no more of this Human rights Bullsh^t and a whole lot of plethora, like NGO'S ,Activists and all the western sods (typically a *censored* and a *censored* hole combined)
want to do in the name of Human rights! that comes from West or its covert Agencies.

2)Give us Everything, the top of your class, no strings attached ,you are worried about China doing things , we are not! We know where we are headed! You know it too!
So shut the fu^ck up and dont try your "We are America" It doesn't work.You know our history aside from what is fed to you from birth by your Religious books.

3) you ask your POPE and his allied factories to Withdraw from Bharat.If they don't behave,well they can go back to protecting the pope from Plague, where he lived in a tower surrounded by 24/7 fire (Only this time the Rat fleas won't be burned up in their flight pattern by the heat. )
 
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