India-US Relations
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In a graphic: India-US—Brothers in Arms
By Sandeep Unnithan
New Delhi
September 23, 2021
A look at some of the big military hardware deals the two countries are negotiating
IAF's C-130J Hercules carrying Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and Union Minister for Road Transport and Highways Nitin Gadkari, lands during the inauguration of Emergency Landing Facility (ELF) on NH-925 in Barmer district, Rajasthan, on Sept. 9, 2021. Photo by Vijay Verma/PTI Photo.
One of the key pillars of the Indo-US defence relationship is the sale of military hardware. Over the past decade, the US has emerged as one of the largest suppliers of arms to India, selling aircraft, helicopters and missiles worth $22 billion (Rs 1.4 lakh crore). Deals worth close to $10 billion (Rs 73,825 crore) are either being negotiated or are close to being signed. These include repeat orders for the P-8I Poseidon long range maritime patrol aircraft and the C-130J transport aircraft, indicating a high level of customer satisfaction. There are breakthrough deals, like those for 30 MQ-9 Predator-B drones worth $3 billion (Rs 22,147 crore)—among the single biggest deals in recent years—being negotiated for the three Indian armed services. There are others like the NASAMS-II, a missile shield meant to protect vital installations in New Delhi from aerial threats, and for ISTAR aircraft, meant to detect targets on the ground.
In a graphic: India-US—Brothers in Arms
By Sandeep Unnithan
New Delhi
September 23, 2021
A look at some of the big military hardware deals the two countries are negotiating
IAF's C-130J Hercules carrying Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and Union Minister for Road Transport and Highways Nitin Gadkari, lands during the inauguration of Emergency Landing Facility (ELF) on NH-925 in Barmer district, Rajasthan, on Sept. 9, 2021. Photo by Vijay Verma/PTI Photo.
One of the key pillars of the Indo-US defence relationship is the sale of military hardware. Over the past decade, the US has emerged as one of the largest suppliers of arms to India, selling aircraft, helicopters and missiles worth $22 billion (Rs 1.4 lakh crore). Deals worth close to $10 billion (Rs 73,825 crore) are either being negotiated or are close to being signed. These include repeat orders for the P-8I Poseidon long range maritime patrol aircraft and the C-130J transport aircraft, indicating a high level of customer satisfaction. There are breakthrough deals, like those for 30 MQ-9 Predator-B drones worth $3 billion (Rs 22,147 crore)—among the single biggest deals in recent years—being negotiated for the three Indian armed services. There are others like the NASAMS-II, a missile shield meant to protect vital installations in New Delhi from aerial threats, and for ISTAR aircraft, meant to detect targets on the ground.
In a graphic: India-US—Brothers in Arms
It mainly affects overworked, overstressed bureaucrats. No one else.
U.S.-India Joint Leaders’ Statement: A Partnership for Global Good
President Joseph R. Biden welcomed Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the White House today for their first in-person Leaders’ engagement, renewing their close relationship and charting a new course to advance the partnership between the world’s largest democracies.The Leaders affirmed a clear vision that will guide the U.S.-India relationship forward: building a strategic partnership and working together with regional groupings, including ASEAN and Quad members, to promote shared interests in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond; developing a trade and investment partnership that increases prosperity for working families in both countries; finishing the fight against the COVID-19 pandemic and other health challenges; galvanizing global efforts to scale up climate action; strengthening democratic values and institutions in support of our respective peoples; and enhancing people-to-people ties that have made both countries stronger.
President Biden and Prime Minister Modi expressed deep pride and appreciation about their nations’ close cooperation to fight the COVID-19 pandemic over the past year, as governments, civil society, businesses, and diaspora communities mobilized in unprecedented ways to share emergency relief supplies during each country’s times of need. Having administered hundreds of millions of doses of vaccine to protect their own citizens at home and abroad, they reiterated their commitment to lead the global effort to end this pandemic. President Biden welcomed India’s announcement that it will resume exports of safe and effective COVID-19 vaccines including to COVAX. The Leaders also hailed the finalization of the overarching Memorandum of Understanding on Health and Biomedical Sciences to bolster cooperation on key areas affecting global health, including pandemic preparedness and biomedical research, to reduce the risk of future pandemics.
Prime Minister Modi welcomed President Biden’s initiative to convene the Global COVID-19 Summit on Ending the Pandemic and Building Back Better to Prepare for the Next, given our shared commitment to combat the Covid-19 pandemic.
Prime Minister Modi welcomed U.S. leadership on climate action, including the return of the United States to the Paris Agreement. President Biden expressed support for Prime Minister Modi’s intention to achieve a domestic goal of installing 450 GW of renewable power by 2030 and acknowledged the importance of mobilizing finance for investments in renewables, storage, and grid infrastructure that will guarantee clean, reliable power for millions of Indian households. Through the two main tracks of the Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP) and the Climate Action and Finance Mobilization Dialogue (CAFMD) under the U.S.-India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership, the United States and India will accelerate clean energy development and deployment of critical technologies to advance a clean energy transition. India welcomed the United States joining the Leadership Group for Industry Transition (LeadIT).
President Biden reaffirmed the strength of the defense relationship between the United States and India and the unwavering commitment to India as a Major Defense Partner through close defense engagements in information sharing, sharing of logistics and military-to-military interactions, strengthening cooperation in advanced military technologies, and expanding engagements in a multilateral framework including with regional partners. The Leaders welcomed the deepening of advanced industrial cooperation. In this context, they noted the recent project to co-develop air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) under the Defense Technology and Trade Initiative, and encouraged more such joint efforts. They called upon the government and private stakeholders to use the existing ecosystems of innovation and entrepreneurship in defense industries for co-development, co-production and expanding mutual defense trade. They also looked forward to the inaugural meeting of the Industrial Security Agreement summit to facilitate high-end defense industrial collaboration.
The Leaders reaffirmed that the United States and India stand together in a shared fight against global terrorism, will take concerted action against all terrorist groups, including groups proscribed by the UNSCR 1267 Sanctions Committee, condemned cross-border terrorism, and called for the perpetrators of the 26/11 Mumbai attacks to be brought to justice.They denounced any use of terrorist proxies and emphasized the importance of denying any logistical, financial or military support to terrorist groups which could be used to launch or plan terror attacks. They noted that the upcoming U.S.-India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group, Designations Dialogue, and renewed U.S.-India Homeland Security Dialogue will further strengthen counterterrorism cooperation between India and the United States, including in the areas of intelligence sharing and law enforcement cooperation. They also welcomed opportunities to develop counterterrorism technologies. They commended the U.S.-India Counter Narcotics Working Group and are committed to finalizing a new Bilateral Framework which would facilitate joint efforts to combat drug trafficking, illicit narcotics production and precursor chemical supply chains.
The Leaders resolved that the Taliban must abide by UNSC Resolution 2593 (2021), which demands that Afghan territory must never again be used to threaten or attack any country or to shelter or train terrorists, or to plan or finance terrorist attacks, and underscored the importance of combating terrorism in Afghanistan. The Leaders called on the Taliban to adhere to these and all other commitments, including regarding the safe, secure, and orderly departure from Afghanistan of Afghans and all foreign nationals and to respect the human rights of all Afghans, including women, children, and members of minority groups. They emphasized the importance of efforts to provide humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan, called on the Taliban to allow full, safe, direct and unhindered access for the United Nations, its specialized agencies and implementing partners, and all humanitarian actors engaged in humanitarian relief activity, including with respect to internally displaced persons. Reflecting their long-term commitment to promoting development and economic opportunity for the Afghan people, they determined to continue to closely coordinate and to work jointly with partners toward an inclusive and peaceful future for all Afghans.
The Leaders called for an end of the use of violence, for release of all political detainees, and for a swift return to democracy in Myanmar. They further called for the urgent implementation of the ASEAN Five Point Consensus.
The Leaders welcomed increased cooperation under the Quad, including in the multilateral domain given their shared vision of a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region with respect to territorial integrity and sovereignty, and international law. President Biden applauded India’s strong leadership during its UN Security Council Presidency in August 2021. In this context, President Biden also reiterated U.S. support for India’s permanent membership on a reformed UN Security Council and for other countries who are important champions of multilateral cooperation and aspire to permanent seats on the UN Security Council. He also reaffirmed U.S. support for India’s entry to the Nuclear Suppliers Group. They welcomed the extension of the Statement of Guiding Principles on Triangular Cooperation for Global Development to leverage the combined capacities of India and the United States to address global development challenges around the world, particularly in the Indo-Pacific and Africa. In addition, they looked forward to the launch of the U.S.-India Gandhi-King Development Foundation to advance cooperation on health, education, and the environment.
They looked forward to reconvening the India-U.S. Trade Policy Forum before the end of 2021, to enhance the bilateral trade relationship by addressing trade concerns, identifying specific areas for increased engagement and developing an ambitious, shared vision for the future of the trade relationship. The Leaders looked forward to convening the U.S.-India CEO Forum and the Commercial Dialogue in early 2022, leveraging the talents of the private sector. The Leaders noted ongoing negotiations on an Investment Incentive Agreement that facilitates investment in development projects and committed to an early conclusion. They further discussed how the United States and India will work together to set sustainable and transparent rules of the road that will lift economies throughout the Indo-Pacific. They welcomed increased collaboration through the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure and the upcoming Indo-Pacific Business Forum.
The Leaders noted that the movement of highly skilled professionals, students, investors and business travelers between their countries enhances their economic and technological partnership. The Leaders highlighted the importance of resilient and secure supply chains between the two countries. They welcomed the involvement of the private sector in both countries in building stronger linkages in critical sectors such as pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, semiconductors, and information technology. The Leaders recognized the importance of critical and emerging technologies in delivering economic growth and achieving strategic priorities. They looked forward to reviving the High Technology Cooperation Group (HTCG) in early 2022, with the objective of accelerating high technology commerce in key areas.
The Leaders decided that the United States and India must continue and expand their partnership in new domains and many areas of critical and emerging technology – space, cyber, health security, semiconductors, AI, 5G, 6G and future generation telecommunications technology, and Blockchain, that will define innovation processes, and the economic and security landscape of the next century. The Leaders recognized the foundational need to address vulnerabilities and threats in cyberspace, including to promote critical infrastructure resilience, and welcomed the increasing partnerships among governments to counter ransomware and other cyber-enabled crime, including efforts to combat cybercriminals that operate from within their borders. The Leaders reiterated the importance of sustainable capacity-building and noted that mutual technical assistance efforts to respond to cyber threats should be prioritized and increased, including through dialogues, joint meetings, training and sharing of best practices. They looked forward to the finalization of a Space Situational Awareness Memorandum of Understanding that will help in sharing of data and services towards ensuring the long-term sustainability of outer space activities by the end of the year.
As global partners, the United States and India resolved to further strengthen their collaboration in education, science and technology and people-to-people engagement. The Leaders welcomed close consultations through the 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue of the Foreign and Defense Ministers of India and the United States to be held later this year.
The Leaders celebrated the deep and vibrant ties between the people of both nations, which underpins the special bond between the United States and India, and has sustained their partnership for nearly 75 years. They reaffirmed, and encouraged others to embrace, their shared values of freedom, democracy, universal human rights, tolerance and pluralism, and equal opportunities for all citizens, and committed to pursue efforts towards sustainable development and global peace and security.
Prime Minister Modi conveyed his deep appreciation for the repatriation of antiquities to India by the United States. The Leaders committed to strengthen their efforts to combat the theft, illicit trade and trafficking of cultural objects.
Reflecting shared values and principles, and growing strategic convergence, President Biden and Prime Minister Modi resolved to advance the U.S.-India Comprehensive Global Strategic Partnership, and looked forward to what the United States and India will achieve together.
U.S.-India Joint Leaders’ Statement: A Partnership for Global Good | The White House
President Joseph R. Biden welcomed Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the White House today for their first in-person Leaders’ engagement, renewing their close relationship and charting a new course to advance the partnership between the world’s largest democracies. The Leaders affirmed a clear...
FACT SHEET: The United States and India – Global Leadership in Action
September 24, 2021 • Statements and Releases
President Biden hosted Prime Minister Narendra Modi today, forging closer ties between two leading Indo-Pacific powers, the United States and India. As the world’s oldest and largest democracies, the United States and India are committed to values of freedom, pluralism, openness, and respect for human rights.
Working Together on the World Stage
- The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has reached more than 56 million Indians with COVID-related health training, risk mitigation and vaccine information, and essential equipment since the beginning of the pandemic.
- For more than a half-century, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has successfully collaborated with the Indian government to address India’s public health priorities. CDC has allocated approximately $16 million towards COVID-19 response in India since March 2020, to support country-level coordination, epidemiology and surveillance, case management, infection prevention and control, laboratory and other technical areas, in collaboration with the World Health Organization, the United Nations Children’s Fund, and other partners.
- Under the Quad, the United States and India are working on COVID-19 response and pandemic preparedness, infrastructure, space, clean energy, humanitarian assistance/disaster relief, cyber security, maritime security, resilient supply chains, approaches to 5G infrastructure deployment that leverage open and interoperable network architectures, and critical and emerging technologies.
- The United States and India are committed to continued partnership on cybersecurity, to include efforts to promote critical infrastructure resilience, collaboration to counter cyber-enabled crime such as ransomware, and cooperation to address shared cyber threats, including through workforce development, and exploring common cyber standards and promoting secure software development.
- The United States looks forward to continued collaboration in the Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) and welcomes opportunities to work with India in leveraging the Blue Dot Network to catalyze investment in sustainable infrastructure in Africa, Southeast Asia, and beyond. USAID has committed over $9 million towards supporting CDRI’s global leadership in this sector.
- Over the past year, the U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) funded nearly 200 research awards with collaborations involving Indian partners. In the past four years, the number of health research collaborations with India grew from 200 to nearly 330, and the number of Indian research organizations participating in NIH-funded research grew from nearly 100 to over 200.
- On October 28-29, 2021, the United States and India will co-host the fourth annual Indo-Pacific Business Forum (IPBF), which will bring together leaders in government, industry, media, and non-profits from across the Indo-Pacific. This marquee commercial diplomacy event underscores our joint commitment to a positive economic agenda for the Indo-Pacific region, advances policy developments, announces new investments, and builds relationships between the private sector and governments in the Indo-Pacific.
- The United States and India are both committed to promoting a successful outcome at the 26th UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow later this year. Toward that end, the United States communicated an enhanced Nationally Determined Contribution to reduce economy-wide greenhouse gas emissions by 50-52 percent below 2005 levels in 2030.
- The United States is actively working with India to realize its ambitious goal of deploying 450 GW of renewable energy capacity by 2030, including through the recently launched Climate Action and Finance Mobilization Dialogue , led by the U.S. Special Presidential Envoy for Climate, and the revamped Strategic Clean Energy Partnership (SCEP), led by the U.S. Secretary of Energy, the two tracks of the U.S.-India Climate and Clean Energy Agenda 2030 Partnership. These tracks will help further catalyze India’s clean energy transition.
- Under the SCEP, the Department of Energy together with Indian counterparts launched a new public-private Hydrogen Task Force as well as a Biofuels Task Force. These groups will help expand the use of clean energy technologies to decarbonize the energy sector.
- Over the last five years, USAID has contributed to the deployment of five gigawatts of renewable energy across India, which reduced 30 million tons of greenhouse gas emissions in 2020, powered 3.3 million households, and helped mobilize $1.1 billion in private sector clean energy investments.
- The U.S. Trade and Development Agency launched the U.S.-India Climate Technologies Action Group (CTAG). The CTAG will integrate private and public-sector inputs on initiatives that can contribute to global action on climate, facilitate U.S. industry input on the latest climate resilient technologies, share U.S. business models with the Indian market to accelerate the development of the clean energy sector, and mobilize capital for climate-smart infrastructure projects in India.
- The United States invited India to participate in the Agriculture Innovation Mission for Climate (AIM for Climate), which will be launched at COP26 in November. AIM for Climate has the goal of increasing and accelerating global innovation on agriculture and food systems in support of climate action.
- The United States looks forward to working with India to support the conclusion of a contract to build six Westinghouse Electric Company AP-1000 nuclear reactors in Kovvada, India, and looks forward to a completed techno-commercial offer soon. Once completed, the Westinghouse project will provide clean, reliable power to millions of Indians.
- U.S. firm First Solar has announced it will invest $684 million in a fully integrated solar module manufacturing facility in southern India, directly supporting India’s energy security and bilateral climate goals. This investment will involve exports of technology and expertise from the United States to eventually produce modules with 60 percent local value-added content, generating jobs in both countries.
- In September, U.S. firm 24M Technologies, Inc. announced the signing of a license and services agreement with Chennai-based Lucas TVS Ltd. to construct one of the first Giga factories in India using battery storage platform technology. The first plant will be set up near Chennai with additional plants expected to be built throughout India to support the growing market for energy storage solutions.
- Under the upcoming Trade Policy Forum, the United States seeks to work with India to address trade concerns and enhance bilateral trade. The United States also looks forward to holding the next meeting of the U.S.-India Commercial Dialogue and CEO Forum to enhance business and commercial ties between our two countries.
- As of 2021, the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC) has a portfolio in India valued at over $2.5 billion, covering projects across multiple sectors, including renewable energy, manufacturing, agriculture, healthcare, private equity, housing, and insurance. An additional $900 million in new projects are expected over the next fiscal year.
- U.S. private sector initiatives in technology and cybersecurity, including initiatives to expand cybersecurity and digital literacy, are reinforcing U.S. and Indian government collaboration on cybersecurity. Google is working closely with local Indian organizations to empower one million women entrepreneurs with digital literacy and related skills under its Women Will program. U.S. firm IBM will offer cybersecurity training to 500,000 people in India over the next five years. U.S. firm Microsoft is preparing to launch a Faculty Development Program in India to train 5,000 master trainers in cybersecurity and data privacy, which will in turn train 200,000 youth in India for careers in cybersecurity.
- The DFC, in partnership with HDFC Bank and Mastercard, looks forward to launching a $100 million credit facility in India dedicated to small businesses, particularly women-led and -owned enterprises, interested in digitizing. This investment supports the 2X Women’s Initiative, through which the DFC invests in projects that are owned by women, led by women, or provide a product or service that empowers women.
- In August 2021, U.S. firm GE Aviation concluded a $716 million contract with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited to supply 99 advanced GE-404 jet engines for India’s indigenous Tejas fighter aircraft. This deal will support 4,000 American jobs, notably at GE facilities in Massachusetts and Ohio.
- India approved soybean meal, an integral animal feed component, for import in August 2021, and U.S. soybean exporters have already supplied significant volumes of this input to Indian feed millers.
- The United States looks forward to working with India to allow imported fuel ethanol to help it meet India’s ambitious goal of reaching 20 percent ethanol blending by 2025.
- Over the past five years, U.S. firm Boeing has delivered 43 new commercial aircraft to customers in India, representing a total combined value of $6.6 billion—more than $1 billion per year in U.S.-made airplane exports to India. Over the next 20 years, projected market demand in India for 2,290 new commercial airplane deliveries, valued at over $390 billion, would make India the world’s third-largest civil aviation market.
- The United States and India look forward to the upcoming Counterterrorism Joint Working Group and Homeland Security Dialogue to expand cooperation on terrorist screening, information sharing, aviation security, terrorist use of the internet, terrorist designations, and joint capacity building.
- The United States looks forward to continuing the U.S.-India Counter Narcotics Working Group to strengthen joint efforts to combat illicit narcotics production and precursor chemical supply chains and to develop a new Bilateral Framework facilitating stronger law enforcement cooperation, drug demand reduction, and continued drug control communication.
- Having concluded four major defense enabling agreements since 2016, the United States and India have made significant progress as Major Defense Partners and look forward to further increasing information sharing, bilateral and multilateral exercises, maritime security cooperation, liaison officer exchanges, and logistical cooperation.
- In furtherance of the U.S.-India Defense Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), the United States and India agreed in July to a $22 million project to co-develop air-launched unmanned aerial vehicles. DTTI currently encompasses four working groups, and the next senior officials’ meeting later this year will further expand defense industrial collaboration.
- The United States stands shoulder-to-shoulder with the Indian military, having offered state-of-the-art capabilities, such as the F/A-18, F-15EX, and F-21 fighter aircraft; MQ-9B unmanned aerial systems; the IADWS missile system; and additional P-8I maritime patrol aircraft.
- India’s premier strategic airlift capabilities enable its military to provide critical humanitarian relief and evacuation operations to the Indian Ocean region and beyond.
- The U.S. Air Force and U.S. firm Lockheed Martin (LM) recently concluded a $329 million contract to provide maintenance for India’s C-130J transport aircraft fleet. This deal will help support jobs in both countries while enhancing India’s strategic airlift capabilities.
- The Indian Air Force operates the second-largest C-17 fleet in the world behind the United States, recently signing a $637 million extended maintenance contract with U.S. firm Boeing that supports jobs in both countries.
- In June, LM delivered India’s first two MH-60R multi mission maritime helicopters. These platforms were assembled in Troy, Alabama, as well as Stratford, Connecticut, and integrated in Owego, New York, and allow India access to the multi-role helicopter global supply chain.
- As the second-largest operator of P-8I Poseidon maritime patrol aircraft in the world, India is a valued maritime partner in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. U.S. firm Boeing delivered the tenth P-8I aircraft to the Indian Navy in July 2021, and the 11th aircraft is expected to be delivered in October.
- In 2020, India and the United States renewed their commitment to supporting effective nuclear security globally, through India’s Global Center for Nuclear Energy Partnership and multilateral partners such as the International Atomic Energy Agency. We will continue joint efforts to prevent proliferation of nuclear materials.
- The United States welcomes opportunities to expand bilateral cooperation with India in the field of space, acknowledging the pivotal role international cooperation plays in the long-term sustainability of the outer-space environment and recognizing that capabilities in space provides critical benefits to all of humanity, including in the fight against climate change and ensuring sustainable development on Earth. Our engagement encompasses a number of areas, including deep-space communications support, space science, support for India’s Chandrayaan missions, and cooperation to ensure the long-term sustainability of outer space activities.
- The National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) enjoy a long history of cooperation in space and Earth science, most recently on the NASA-ISRO Synthetic Aperture Radar (NISAR) satellite, which will help us better understand the planet’s most intricate systems and changes influenced by global environmental and climate change. NISAR is scheduled to launch from India in 2023.
- The United States welcomes India’s consideration of potential cooperation in Artemis and the Artemis Accords, a set of principles to support the safe and transparent exploration of space to the Moon and beyond.
- The United States is proud to have issued a record 62,000 visas to Indian students so far in 2021. The nearly 200,000 Indian students in the United States contribute $7.7 billion annually to the U.S. economy.
- Celebrating the 75th anniversary of the Fulbright Program worldwide, the program has been bringing Americans and Indians closer together for 71 years since its launch in India. In 2008, we welcomed India’s decision to jointly fund these fellowships with the United States, and renamed the program the Fulbright-Nehru Fellowship Program. Over 20,000 fellowships and grants have been awarded under this exchange program, and the United States looks forward to building on these successes.
- The Partnership 2020 program continues to foster higher education cooperation to promote economic growth and technological advances. In collaboration with the University of Nebraska at Omaha, this program funds 15 research partnerships between U.S. and Indian universities in the fields of advanced engineering, artificial intelligence, public health, and energy, among others.
- The upcoming launch of the U.S.-India Alliance for Women’s Economic Empowerment—a public-private partnership between the Department of State, USAID, the U.S.-India Strategic Partnership Forum, and George Washington University—will help catalyze collaboration to advance women’s economic resilience and empowerment in India.
- The U.S.-funded Nexus startup and innovation hub showcases the best of American and Indian entrepreneurial innovation and technology commercialization. Nexus serves as a central hub for entrepreneurs, innovators, faculty, industry players, and funding organizations interested in promoting Indian startups and the local entrepreneurial ecosystem. Since 2016, Nexus’s 138 graduates have raised over $19 million in outside funding and closed over 70 deals with many prominent Indian and U.S. companies.
- The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration works closely with Indian counterparts in areas such as ocean and fisheries science, meteorology, and earth observation, which helps us better understand climate change and save lives through improved weather modeling and information sharing.
- The U.S. Department of Agriculture looks forward to cooperating with the Indian Council of Agricultural Research on climate-change issues related to agriculture through strategic research on crops, livestock, and fisheries.
- USAID looks forward to working with the Indian government on establishing the U.S.-India Gandhi-King Development Foundation to promote initiatives and exchanges that honor both visionary leaders.
FACT SHEET: The United States and India – Global Leadership in Action | The White House
President Biden hosted Prime Minister Narendra Modi today, forging closer ties between two leading Indo-Pacific powers, the United States and India. As the world’s oldest and largest democracies, the United States and India are committed to values of freedom, pluralism, openness, and respect for...
US playing usual stupid game of sanctions, probably some one should remind them it is a two way street.
www.politico.com
U.S. President Joe Biden (left) and U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken (right) participate in a virtual meeting with leaders of The Quad on March 12, 2021. | Alex Wong/Getty Images
By PAUL MCLEARY
09/30/2021 02:45 PM EDT
The Biden administration’s Pacific strategy will face a major test later this year when India makes good on a controversial $5 billion arms deal with Russia, an agreement that could trigger U.S. sanctions at a time when Washington is trying to pull India closer.
The deal for five Russian-made S-400 air defense systems has long been a concern in Washington, but with delivery expected in December, the White House will be forced to decide how to manage the complicated relationship between the two countries.
In play is the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, or CAATSA, a 2017 law with broad support in Congress that punishes countries for making major arms deals with Russia, the world’s second-largest arms exporter.
To date, the only countries sanctioned under the law are Turkey and China, both for buying the same S-400 system slated to arrive in India. It’s a precedent that could put the Biden administration in an awkward position with a key ally.
The government of Narendra Modi appears to have made the decision to go forward with the system, and “they've not backed down for the last three years despite the threats of sanctions,” said Sameer Lalwani, director of the Stimson Center’s South Asia Program.
“They planned around it, they made this commitment and reaffirmed it. They're not blinking on this and so we can play this game of chicken as much as we want, but the consequences will be worse for us,” he said.
Modi was in Washington last week to meet with Biden and the other leaders of the The Quad — India, Australia, Japan and the U.S. — to discuss a range of regional issues, but American and Indian officials would not confirm the S-400 was on the agenda.
India has for decades been a customer of weapons made in the U.S., Russia, France and Israel. But in recent years successive administrations in Washington have tried to wean India off Russian gear, with important wins. But Russia maintains a grip on some major systems, selling nuclear-powered submarines and warships to the Indian armed forces.
The S-400 air defense system, however, looms large.
In 2020, the Trump administration kicked Turkey out of the F-35 program and imposed sanctions under CAATSA after Turkey received its first S-400, a major step against a longtime NATO ally.
Being removed from the F-35 club was a bitter pill for the Turkish government, but Washington and its NATO allies had spent years publicly and privately warning Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan against consummating the deal. Turkish leadership remained defiant throughout, however. Just this past week, Erdogan said he was prepared to buy a second S-400, pledging “nobody will be able to interfere in terms of what kind of defense systems we acquire, from which country, at what level.”
The Indian government “was definitely watching all of that in great detail and all along the way we continued to warn them,” said R. Clarke Cooper, assistant secretary of state for political-military affairs under the Trump administration, now at the Atlantic Council. The message to the Indian government after inking the deal with Russia in 2018 was “‘look, you take delivery of the S-400 you're going to potentially jeopardize interoperability with the United States, and you're going to potentially jeopardize interoperability with other partners that you value,” Cooper said.
The 2017 CAATSA law came in response to Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and was aimed at dissuading countries from buying Russian equipment while also punishing the country’s arms industry. Given the size of Russia's arms exports to the Asia-Pacific region, however, the Trump and Biden administrations worked to balance the law against antagonizing burgeoning allies with a long history of buying Russian gear.
India is a key part of that balancing act, and how the U.S. treats India’s dealings with Russia will have an impact on how other nations will expect to be treated.
The Indian Embassy in Washington did not respond to a request to comment on the potential for sanctions.
Since CAATSA went into effect, the message to countries with long-standing relationships with the Russian defense industry has generally been, “keep your AK-47s, but if you really are looking to have a modern military alongside the United States and partners, don't put that at risk,” Cooper said. “I would be surprised if the Biden team is having any different kind of conversation with the Indian government.”
A senior administration official, who was not authorized to discuss the issue and asked for anonymity, said India's planned defense purchases from Russia are no secret, but “we urge all of our allies and partners to forgo transactions with Russia that risk triggering sanctions,” under CAATSA.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken has not made any determination about sanctions, and “CAATSA does not have any blanket or country-specific waiver provision,” the official said. Any transaction with Russia’s “defense or intelligence sectors must be evaluated on a case-by-case basis.”
In Turkey's case, the worry inside NATO was that the powerful Russian radar system that tracks targets for the S-400 would pump valuable information back to Moscow about how the F-35 and other aircraft operate. Leaders in Brussels said there was no chance they would put their F-35s anywhere near that radar system, even if it were operated by an ally.
India remains a massive market for arms exporting countries, accounting for 9.5 percent of all global arms imports in 2020 bested only by Saudi Arabia, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
And billions of that spending will continue to go to Russia.
“Whatever happens, whether it's sanctions or whether it's a waiver, the real challenge for the administration is figuring out how to avoid having to deal with this over and over and over again,” said Stimson’s Lalwani.
In 2023, India will receive the first two of four new frigates from Russia, and in 2025, will begin leasing its third nuclear-powered submarine from Moscow, all major deals already sealed.
“The question will be whether this is going to trigger a wave of sanctions each time,” Lalwani said. “So the other reason the administration will have to work this out with Congress is so this Sword of Damocles isn’t hanging over the relationship for the next five to 10 years because those deals have already been made and signed.”
In March, Senate Foreign Relations Chair Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ) sent a letter to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin warning, “if India chooses to go forward with its purchase of the S-400, that act will clearly constitute a significant, and sanctionable, transaction with the Russian defense sector … it will also limit India’s ability to work with the U.S. on development and procurement of sensitive military technology.”
While those major deals will force Washington to reckon with its own policy choices, the industrial competition between the American and Russian defense industries will remain fierce.
In May, the State Department approved the sale of six P-8 submarine-hunting aircraft to India, adding to the 12 Boeing-made aircraft the country already operates. The deals all carry the provision that 30 percent of the manufacturing take place in India, part of Modi’s Make in India program.
A major prize awaits in the coming months, when India decides who will build its new fleet of up to 110 multirole fighter planes. Lockheed Martin is working to sell India on its F-21 fighter, a derivative of the F-16.
Boeing is offering its F-15EX Eagle II and F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, which is competing with Saab’s Gripen E/F, Dassault’s Rafale, and Eurofighter’s Typhoon, which is produced by a consortium of Airbus, BAE Systems and Leonardo. Russia is thought to be offering both its MiG-35 and Sukhoi Su-35.
The Obama administration’s designation of India as a major defense partner in 2016 was meant as a sign of Washington’s desire to draw closer to New Delhi, while nudging the Indian government to begin shunning some Russian gear.
The deal grants India access to U.S. defense technologies at a level comparable to NATO allies, and came just after Russia lost a $3 billion deal to Boeing to build Apache and Chinook helicopters.
The United States and its influential defense industry are not about to walk away from these deals and a growing relationship with India at a time when the country has become a close ally in deterring China. But with India not about to walk away from its relationship with Russia, Congress and the White House will soon have to decide how much they’re willing to accept.
Why India’s arms deals with Russia are about to become a headache for Biden
The deal for five Russian-made S-400 air defense systems has long been a concern in Washington.
www.politico.com
Why India’s arms deals with Russia are about to become a headache for Biden
The deal for five Russian-made S-400 air defense systems has long been a concern in Washington.
U.S. President Joe Biden (left) and U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken (right) participate in a virtual meeting with leaders of The Quad on March 12, 2021. | Alex Wong/Getty Images
By PAUL MCLEARY
09/30/2021 02:45 PM EDT
The Biden administration’s Pacific strategy will face a major test later this year when India makes good on a controversial $5 billion arms deal with Russia, an agreement that could trigger U.S. sanctions at a time when Washington is trying to pull India closer.
The deal for five Russian-made S-400 air defense systems has long been a concern in Washington, but with delivery expected in December, the White House will be forced to decide how to manage the complicated relationship between the two countries.
In play is the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, or CAATSA, a 2017 law with broad support in Congress that punishes countries for making major arms deals with Russia, the world’s second-largest arms exporter.
To date, the only countries sanctioned under the law are Turkey and China, both for buying the same S-400 system slated to arrive in India. It’s a precedent that could put the Biden administration in an awkward position with a key ally.
The government of Narendra Modi appears to have made the decision to go forward with the system, and “they've not backed down for the last three years despite the threats of sanctions,” said Sameer Lalwani, director of the Stimson Center’s South Asia Program.
“They planned around it, they made this commitment and reaffirmed it. They're not blinking on this and so we can play this game of chicken as much as we want, but the consequences will be worse for us,” he said.
Modi was in Washington last week to meet with Biden and the other leaders of the The Quad — India, Australia, Japan and the U.S. — to discuss a range of regional issues, but American and Indian officials would not confirm the S-400 was on the agenda.
India has for decades been a customer of weapons made in the U.S., Russia, France and Israel. But in recent years successive administrations in Washington have tried to wean India off Russian gear, with important wins. But Russia maintains a grip on some major systems, selling nuclear-powered submarines and warships to the Indian armed forces.
The S-400 air defense system, however, looms large.
In 2020, the Trump administration kicked Turkey out of the F-35 program and imposed sanctions under CAATSA after Turkey received its first S-400, a major step against a longtime NATO ally.
Being removed from the F-35 club was a bitter pill for the Turkish government, but Washington and its NATO allies had spent years publicly and privately warning Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan against consummating the deal. Turkish leadership remained defiant throughout, however. Just this past week, Erdogan said he was prepared to buy a second S-400, pledging “nobody will be able to interfere in terms of what kind of defense systems we acquire, from which country, at what level.”
The Indian government “was definitely watching all of that in great detail and all along the way we continued to warn them,” said R. Clarke Cooper, assistant secretary of state for political-military affairs under the Trump administration, now at the Atlantic Council. The message to the Indian government after inking the deal with Russia in 2018 was “‘look, you take delivery of the S-400 you're going to potentially jeopardize interoperability with the United States, and you're going to potentially jeopardize interoperability with other partners that you value,” Cooper said.
The 2017 CAATSA law came in response to Russia’s annexation of Crimea, and was aimed at dissuading countries from buying Russian equipment while also punishing the country’s arms industry. Given the size of Russia's arms exports to the Asia-Pacific region, however, the Trump and Biden administrations worked to balance the law against antagonizing burgeoning allies with a long history of buying Russian gear.
India is a key part of that balancing act, and how the U.S. treats India’s dealings with Russia will have an impact on how other nations will expect to be treated.
The Indian Embassy in Washington did not respond to a request to comment on the potential for sanctions.
Since CAATSA went into effect, the message to countries with long-standing relationships with the Russian defense industry has generally been, “keep your AK-47s, but if you really are looking to have a modern military alongside the United States and partners, don't put that at risk,” Cooper said. “I would be surprised if the Biden team is having any different kind of conversation with the Indian government.”
A senior administration official, who was not authorized to discuss the issue and asked for anonymity, said India's planned defense purchases from Russia are no secret, but “we urge all of our allies and partners to forgo transactions with Russia that risk triggering sanctions,” under CAATSA.
Secretary of State Antony Blinken has not made any determination about sanctions, and “CAATSA does not have any blanket or country-specific waiver provision,” the official said. Any transaction with Russia’s “defense or intelligence sectors must be evaluated on a case-by-case basis.”
In Turkey's case, the worry inside NATO was that the powerful Russian radar system that tracks targets for the S-400 would pump valuable information back to Moscow about how the F-35 and other aircraft operate. Leaders in Brussels said there was no chance they would put their F-35s anywhere near that radar system, even if it were operated by an ally.
India remains a massive market for arms exporting countries, accounting for 9.5 percent of all global arms imports in 2020 bested only by Saudi Arabia, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
And billions of that spending will continue to go to Russia.
“Whatever happens, whether it's sanctions or whether it's a waiver, the real challenge for the administration is figuring out how to avoid having to deal with this over and over and over again,” said Stimson’s Lalwani.
In 2023, India will receive the first two of four new frigates from Russia, and in 2025, will begin leasing its third nuclear-powered submarine from Moscow, all major deals already sealed.
“The question will be whether this is going to trigger a wave of sanctions each time,” Lalwani said. “So the other reason the administration will have to work this out with Congress is so this Sword of Damocles isn’t hanging over the relationship for the next five to 10 years because those deals have already been made and signed.”
In March, Senate Foreign Relations Chair Sen. Bob Menendez (D-NJ) sent a letter to Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin warning, “if India chooses to go forward with its purchase of the S-400, that act will clearly constitute a significant, and sanctionable, transaction with the Russian defense sector … it will also limit India’s ability to work with the U.S. on development and procurement of sensitive military technology.”
While those major deals will force Washington to reckon with its own policy choices, the industrial competition between the American and Russian defense industries will remain fierce.
In May, the State Department approved the sale of six P-8 submarine-hunting aircraft to India, adding to the 12 Boeing-made aircraft the country already operates. The deals all carry the provision that 30 percent of the manufacturing take place in India, part of Modi’s Make in India program.
A major prize awaits in the coming months, when India decides who will build its new fleet of up to 110 multirole fighter planes. Lockheed Martin is working to sell India on its F-21 fighter, a derivative of the F-16.
Boeing is offering its F-15EX Eagle II and F/A-18E/F Super Hornet, which is competing with Saab’s Gripen E/F, Dassault’s Rafale, and Eurofighter’s Typhoon, which is produced by a consortium of Airbus, BAE Systems and Leonardo. Russia is thought to be offering both its MiG-35 and Sukhoi Su-35.
The Obama administration’s designation of India as a major defense partner in 2016 was meant as a sign of Washington’s desire to draw closer to New Delhi, while nudging the Indian government to begin shunning some Russian gear.
The deal grants India access to U.S. defense technologies at a level comparable to NATO allies, and came just after Russia lost a $3 billion deal to Boeing to build Apache and Chinook helicopters.
The United States and its influential defense industry are not about to walk away from these deals and a growing relationship with India at a time when the country has become a close ally in deterring China. But with India not about to walk away from its relationship with Russia, Congress and the White House will soon have to decide how much they’re willing to accept.
India, US to set up joint working group on defence industrial security
As Chinese and Russian cyber-spies increase snooping via the internet to pick up American defence secrets, including stealth and long-range unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) technology, the US and Indian defence industrial establishments are developing joint protocols to block any leakage of classified information from their communications.To formalise and refine their joint security protocols, Washington and New Delhi held a five-day Industrial Security Agreement (ISA) summit that began on Monday and ended on Friday in the national capital. The summit was led by Designated Security.
India, US to set up joint working group on defence industrial security
To formalise and refine their joint security protocols, Washington and New Delhi held a five-day Industrial Security Agreement summit that began on Monday and ended on Friday in the national capital
Defence Officials From India, US Meet To Discuss Indo-Pacific, Regional Issues
Washington:India and the US have discussed their flourishing defence partnership and opportunities for enhanced cooperation with like-minded partners to sustain a free and open Indo-Pacific as officials from the two countries held a meeting to lay the groundwork for the key 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue later this year, the Pentagon has said.
The meeting was co-chaired by Defence Secretary Ajay Kumar and US Under Secretary of Defence for Policy Colin Kahl on Friday.
The Pentagon said that the 16th US-India Defence Policy Group meeting laid the groundwork for an important 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue later this year, as the US and India opened a new chapter in the Major Defence Partnership.
"The Dialogue advanced an ambitious set of bilateral priorities -- including information-sharing, high-end maritime cooperation, logistics and defence trade -- reflective of the flourishing defense ties between the United States and India," said Defense Department Spokesman Lieutenant Colonel Anton T Semelroth.
US and Indian officials exchanged views on regional issues of shared interest, including in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region, he said.
They also discussed opportunities for enhanced cooperation with like-minded partners to sustain a free and open Indo-Pacific, the official said.
"The leaders reinforced their commitment to deepening joint cooperation and interoperability between the US and Indian militaries to work more seamlessly together, including strengthening cooperation in new defence domains, such as space and cyber," Semelroth added.
The 2+2 dialogue between India and the US would be held in November this year, Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla had said last month.
The last meeting of the 2+2 was held in New Delhi and the next meeting is to be hosted by the US. The dialogue takes place between foreign and defence ministers of both sides.
On September 24, US President Joe Biden hosted the first-ever in-person summit of Quad leaders that vowed to strive for an Indo-Pacific region that is free, open, inclusive, anchored by democratic values and unconstrained by coercion, sending an apparent message to China.
China claims sovereignty over all of the South China Sea. Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Taiwan have counter claims.
China is engaged in hotly contested territorial disputes in both the South China Sea and the East China Sea. Beijing has built up and militarised many of the islands and reefs it controls in the region. Both areas are stated to be rich in minerals, oil and other natural resources and are also vital to global trade.
At President Biden's invitation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his counterparts Scott Morrison from Australia and Yoshihide Suga from Japan attended the first in-person Quad summit during which they announced a slew of new initiatives to take on common challenges, amidst muscle flexing by an assertive China in the strategic region.
In 2016, the United States designated India as a Major Defence Partner.
Commensurate with this designation, in 2018, India was elevated to Strategic Trade Authorisation tier 1 status, which allows India to receive license-free access to a wide range of military and dual-use technologies regulated by the Department of Commerce.
US-India defense trade cooperation continues to expand with the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement, Communications, Compatibility and Security Agreement and the Industrial Security Agreement now in place.
The Bureau of Political-Military Affairs supported the increase in total defense trade with India from near zero in 2008 to over USD 20 billion in 2020, according to the State Department.
Defence Officials From India, US Meet To Discuss Indo-Pacific, Regional Issues
India and the US have discussed their flourishing defence partnership and opportunities for enhanced cooperation with like-minded partners to sustain a free and open Indo-Pacific as officials from the two countries held a meeting to lay the groundwo
www.ndtv.com
Chief of US naval operations admiral Mike Gilday to begin 5-day visit to India
The United States' chief of naval operations admiral Michael M Gilday will arrive in India on a five-day visit on Monday to reaffirm the growing level of naval cooperation between the two countries. The visit will conclude on October 15, during which Gilday is scheduled to meet India's Chief of Naval Staff Admiral Karambir Singh and other officials."This visit is a great opportunity for me to meet with my counterpart in India and discuss areas for continued mutual cooperation. No doubt, there are many areas where we can partner and collaborate," Gilday said on Friday while announcing the visit.
In a statement, Gilday also described India as "one of the closest strategic partners" and said, the relationship between New Delhi and Washington "is a stronghold of a free and open Indo-Pacific." "I am grateful for our navies’ continued cooperation in the Indo-Pacific to create an inclusive, free and open rules-based order," the senior official also said, adding, "And by continuing to work closely with the Indian Navy, we will increase our interoperability for decades to come as well as maintain security, stability, and prosperity."
The visit coincides with the second phase of the Malabar exercise, which is set to begin from Tuesday. The mega wargame in the Bay of Bengal will continue till October 15 and it will feature the navies of all four Quad countries - India, the US, Australia and Japan.
According to the Indian Navy officials, the second phase of the Malabar exercise will feature a number of complex drills involving several frontline warships and other assets of the four navies.
Chief of US naval operations admiral Mike Gilday to begin 5-day visit to India
"This visit is a great opportunity for me to meet with my counterpart in India and discuss areas for continued mutual cooperation. No doubt, there are many areas where we can partner and collaborate," Gilday said on Friday while announcing the visit.
CAATSA news.
www.news18.com
CRS saying India's dependency on Russia is too high in the short to medium term.
Indian Military Cannot Operate Effectively Without Russian Supplied Equipment: CRS Report - News18
The CRS said recent press reports indicate that New Delhi is going 'full steam ahead' with the induction of S-400.
CRS saying India's dependency on Russia is too high in the short to medium term.
US senators urge Biden to waive sanctions for India’s S-400 purchase
Two key senators are urging President Joe Biden to waive sanctions against India for its purchase of a Russian S-400 air defense system, saying such a move would throw cold water on the important relationship.
www.defensenews.com
US senators urge Biden to waive sanctions for India’s S-400 purchase
Two key senators are urging President Joe Biden to waive sanctions against India for its purchase of a Russian S-400 air defense system, saying such a move would throw cold water on the important relationship.
Dog and pony show for an obvious waiver. Never mind the fact that all our programs with Russia predate CAATSA.
It is self serving, totally duplicitous & reeks of arrogance. Imagine India doing the same for selling weapons to pakistan or having trade ties with china. If they do such thing we should simply recall our ambassador and downgrade to consul relations. Its not the end of the world, either way we need to face china , US or no US.